Glenn Beck: VP Romney?


Governor Mitt Romney

GLENN: We have Governor Mitt Romney on the horn with us. Hello, governor, how are you, sir?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: I'm terrific. Thanks, Glenn, how are you doing?

GLENN: I'm doing pretty good. I'm you know, I'm coming to a place, Mitt, I really don't know who I'm going to vote for. And I think you know, I just saw a poll the other day, what is it, 63 or 73% of Americans are just not satisfied with the choices that they have, you know, because I don't think anybody's really telling us the truth or telling us what they really believe. Convince me I should vote for John McCain.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, it shouldn't be too hard because even though it's very unlikely that every Republican is going to be 100% behind the positions of one person who's running at the head of our ticket or the same thing among Democrats, you know, you're going to find that there are some differences between the nominee and yourself in either party

GLENN: Sure, yeah.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: But in the sitting of who's going to be our President, I don't think there's any question but that you want the kind of person who has the judgment that's been developed over a lifetime of experience and that judgment to help guide the economy, that judgment to help get us off of foreign oil, the judgment to help us deal with the Russians as they show their territorial ambitions. John McCain has that experience, Barack Obama's a lovely guy but he's ready to spend 20 years as he prepares to be President.

GLENN: Let me take this one at a time and you help me with this. The economy. The guy, John McCain, has been in public service and this is not a slam been in public service his whole life. He's never run a business, he's never been out there. He says he understands tax cuts. I learned some of this stuff from you as you were debating him. He comes out and he says now he will veto any tax increase, yet he voted against the Bush tax cuts. And when he said that he couldn't do it, he said he couldn't do it because, you know, the rich were just making "I can't stand around while the rich get richer. What is that?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, you know, you are not going to get me to say that I agree with everything John McCain has ever said because obviously we ran against each other and there are differences between us but on the issues of the day, he happens to be right. And he recognizes that this economy cannot handle a tax hike, that raising taxes will cost jobs, will cause businesses to go offshore, will hurt families and, you know, at the same time you've got Barack Obama who's saying he will raise taxes. And I know one thing. Every congress, every legislature I've seen, they really want to spend money because, you know, it helps them back in their home district. They are always in favor of spending the money and then maybe either raising debt or raising taxes. And the only way you don't raise taxes is if there's someone in the Oval Office or in the executive branch that says, no, I'm going to veto it. And you've got to have a person who will say no to taxes. John McCain will, Barack Obama won't.

GLENN: Okay. Do you remember the first time we spoke, sir, on the air? Probably not. What did you say?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: It was a while ago.

GLENN: Yeah, yeah. I asked you, and I said to the audience beforehand, anybody who listens to me knows that I'm into pivot points. And the thing that bothered me about you before we spoke, I said the flare for me was where, where was Mitt Romney when he changed his position on being pro life. And I said, if he can't answer that question immediately and tell me what the room looked like, then I won't believe him. And then you came on and you told me what the room looked like. I believed you on your position. Now, tell me, sir, why, what did the John McCain room look like when he decided that, oh, the economy can't handle tax cuts? Why do you believe him that he's not going to flip back?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, you know, he said that he is always opposed to raising taxes. He won't always vote for a tax reduction if he doesn't think it's the right one, but he's not going to raise taxes. Pretty straightforward. That's the posture that he's given, and I think in this kind of setting given how tough the economy is, you don't want to raise taxes. But again your question is which is the better, Barack Obama or John McCain.

GLENN: No.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Barack Obama has said he will raise taxes. I think you can take him at his word. John McCain says he won't. John McCain is somebody who you know loves vetoing and so you're going to find in John McCain a guy who's not going to be taking more out of the pocket of American citizens.

GLENN: See, I don't buy into the lesser of two evils because

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: But you have to choose between two, though.

GLENN: No, I don't. I'll go to Ron I'll go to Bob Barr. I mean, I'm not going to put I'm not going to I don't believe in the "Throw your vote away" thing. Throwing your vote away only is a wasted vote when you vote for something you don't believe in. And I know you and I know I know how you are in your faith. You only stand and raise your hand when you believe in something because it means you have to support it. It means now, that doesn't mean you agree with everything, but, you know, you gave me the list, and I wrote it down as you gave it. So the first one is economy. The second one is oil. The man is for drilling but now he's not but he's not for drilling in the ANWR. I don't I don't understand that. I don't he's also for global warming and cap and trade, which is I believe another kind of socialist program. So you're first one was the economy. The second one was oil. I don't know where he really stands on oil, either.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, I think he will do everything that he believes is reasonably feasible to get us off of foreign oil and that for him says, look, we're going to drill offshore, number one; number two, we're going to build on a fast track a number of new nuclear power plants, and of course we're going to tap all of the renewable sources of energy we've got. Barack Obama, coming from the Democratic party, has to bow to the left wing of the party where the environmental extremists are saying no drilling for oil, no additional nuclear power plants. You know, Harry Reid won't even let a coal power plant be based in Nevada. You know, you have a very different view. Barack Obama as a state senator voted to raise taxes on oil and natural gas which, of course

GLENN: Hang on. We're you're breaking up.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: So again you've got a very dramatic contrast.

GLENN: Hang on. Hang on. Are you on a cell phone, sir, because you're breaking up.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: No, I'm on a land line. I'm on a land line.

GLENN: Okay. That's weird. Okay, something's going on. So I'm sorry. We lost you there for a second.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Oh, I'm sorry about that. Well, you know, Barack Obama has a very different view on nuke power and offshore drilling. With reference to Alaska, John McCain has indicated he will look at drilling in ANWR if it can be done environmentally reasonably and I believe it can be.

GLENN: Okay. The one thing that John McCain and do you think the polls on John McCain are turning now because of this, because, you know, I have been asking for a while, and you are the only one. I've been using you as an example lately. I went back and I looked at your platform on energy and everything else and I said the world would be a different place today if Romney were the candidate because you were talking about the things when nobody else was talking about them. You can see over the horizon, and the only time I've seen any of these people running for President lately that seems to appear as though they can see over the horizon is with John McCain with Russia. He recognized that one. He wasn't surprised by it. He nailed it the first time out. How much of a concern is Russia for you?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, Russia is a real concern for me. Glenn, I see the world being driven by the power of each nation's economy, and the strength of your military derives from the strength of your economy. We're competing on the basis of free enterprise and democracy. China is saying, we're going to take that free enterprise but we're going to be a communist, one party, no freedom land. Russia is saying we're going to compete on the basis of energy and we're going to get the energy resources of the world and hold up the world. It's a whole different strategy and they are serious. They intend to become the world superpower, to dominate the world. That has been their ambition from the beginning. Putin is still there. John McCain said, I looked in his eyes. I did not see, you know, a sympathetic soul. I saw the KGB.

GLENN: Yeah.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: And John McCain has been proven right and he's absolutely right to be concerned about the Russians and we're going to have to be serious in confronting their ambitions for power and for territory.

GLENN: Do you believe that there's a fairly good shot that Israel does try to take care of business in Iran and Russia stands to block?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: You know, that's one where I don't have the kind of data I'd like to have from our military in terms of briefing as to Israel's capacity to go into Iran. I just don't think, based on the analysis that I have done with military leaders of the Iran nuclear program, that Israel has the capacity to take it out other than for a short period of time, and I'm not sure they want to take that risk for something so fleeting. But, you know, time will tell.

GLENN: If you were Barack Obama and you were looking for a vice presidential candidate, who do you think would be on your short list?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, you know, I'm not going to guess what's in his mind in this regard, but I had to listen the other night when I listened to Karl Rove say that he thinks Hillary Clinton would be his best choice. And then I saw Ralph Nader predict Hillary Clinton. So I didn't realize that Karl Rove is advising Ralph Nader. But that being said

GLENN: I think don't you think that's a position of weakness for Barack Obama?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well

GLENN: At this point?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, the strange thing is you look at the other four people that are being spoken about as his potential running mates. Each of them I think has some real flaws and, of course, Hillary brings recognition I think on the part of a lot of people that she could be President. Heck, the truth of the matter is if she were the nominee, I'd feel a lot better than I do with Barack Obama because at least she has some experience that a nation like ours needs at a critical team.

GLENN: If you are Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton's your vice president, do you just use two words: Taste tester?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: (Laughing). The real challenge I'd have with, if I were Barack Obama with Hillary would not be as much with Hillary as it would with Bill.

GLENN: The idea of Lieberman running on the ticket with John McCain?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: You know, the last person I'm going to give advice to in this regard is going to be John McCain. I guess the only advice I'd give him is go with your instincts. John McCain's instincts have proven to serve him very well in the past. You know, I think there are a lot of there's a lot of speculation out there that is off the mark, but only John McCain knows, keeping his own

GLENN: You are the guy who turned the Salt Lake City Olympics around. How did you feel the Chinese have done on the Olympics?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Their games were spectacular, the opening ceremonies was above anyone's expectations. The other sporting events have been well organized and well managed. It was extremely easy to get around. They did very, very well. The one thing that really stood out, though, was that they were held in a place where there was no Bill of Rights, no freedom of assembly, no freedom of speech, no freedom of religion. And what you missed with the great crowds in Olympic venues of spectators and nonspectators coming together to celebrate. They didn't allow that because they didn't want people to assemble. They were afraid of demonstrations and free speech. It's really, it's really sad to see such a great nation but to see that they would have to stifle the freedom and expression of their own citizens.

GLENN: You know, I'm really quite dismayed that I was talking to a Chinese citizen here in the United States and she works here and everything else. And I said, you know, you ever see yourself going back? And we were talking about their one child policy and how oppressive that is and everything else. And she said, oh, yeah, because we have problems there just like you have problems here. There is a there seemingly is a disconnect now from the evil of communism, that it's just another choice. Have you sensed that at all?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, you know, I'm sure that's the case among people in our country as we look across the pond and wonder what it's like over there, but it came home powerfully to me. You watch CNN, for instance, on your hotel TV and occasionally it turns off. It blanks off because they are saying something that they don't want the people to hear. The newspapers were in some respects laughable. Now, I didn't read the Chinese, but I read the English version of the Chinese papers and it was all puff piece. There was no criticism. There was no concern about problems with the Olympics. It was it's almost like a Stepford nation, if you will, where everyone is going to be a Stepford wife and a Stepford citizen. And you want to have the kind of vitality and energy, that dissent and free speech and assembly and the rule of law bring.

GLENN: Let me just give you this. This just came out from the census bureau. Those women that were receiving public assistance, those women who are on welfare, the birthrate is three times higher. What does that tell you?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Well, that's pretty straightforward which is that's true throughout the world where low income individuals and low income nations have much higher birthrates than higher income nations but it also says that our welfare programs are once again beginning to become a way of life and that creates a culture of poverty that is unfair to the children and unfair to the parents and we've got to not let that become a hammock.

GLENN: I don't think I've ever heard these kinds of phone problems before. Governor Mitt Romney, I appreciate it. Let me I'm not going to ask you the question everybody's asking you because I know you're going to answer it the way you always answer it. So let me ask you in a different way. Will not you not be unnominated for the nonlead ticket vice presidential position in the not, too, distant future?

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Glenn, I have absolutely no idea what that question said, but I can tell you I'm not expecting to become a member of the ticket but I sure plan on campaigning for it.

GLENN: All right, sir. Thank you very much.

GOVERNOR ROMNEY: Thanks, Glenn.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.