Glenn Beck - Senator DeMint: 'Very much against' the bailout


Senator Jim DeMint of South Carolina

GLENN: Senator DeMint from Washington, D.C. Last week I talked to you, Senator, you were against the bailout. I was for a bailout but I am certainly not for this one. Have we switched places?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, no, I am very much against it. It's curious if you look at really what happened. You know, Paulson introduced a plan and then congress added a whole lot of boogiemen to it, or bad things, and now they've come back and taken out a lot of the boogiemen in saying we've accomplished something and that it's better. The fact is it's pretty much the Paulson plan, yet it's a little bit worse because it not only allows Paulson to go out and buy mortgage assets but any assets he deems necessary.

GLENN: How about this one. Section 103, the Treasury can buy from counties and cities that may have suffered significant loss or markets in turmoil. Protecting the retirement security of Americans by purchasing troubled assets held by or on behalf of an eligible retirement plan. This means the secretary of the treasury suddenly can now buy retirement plans.

SENATOR DeMINT: Exactly. A lot of these pension funds and retirement plans for, you know, state employees as well as for individuals contained these securitized mortgages which have lost value. I mean, this is, you know, a rabbit hole we'll be going down for decades trying to chase down any asset that's lost value. This is just an incredible power grab by the federal government. You know, we've created the problem by our own bad policy and now we've created a panic by our irresponsible rhetoric and our promises to fix it, and

GLENN: Look. Hang on just a second, Senator. The irresponsible rhetoric, I have not heard irresponsible rhetoric because I haven't heard I have yet to hear someone step up and say, "America, don't talk to me about recession. America, we are headed toward 1929 economic crash, quite possibly some of the worst stuff that we've ever seen, and this bailout, it will make it right and we won't have that." I have not heard anyone say that. I haven't even they are still talking, some people are saying, "Well, it might be a very deep recession." What?

SENATOR DeMINT: It is being said here and whether or not it's being reported in the news or not but they are trying to say this would be even worse than the Great Depression if we don't do this. And then there are people who are saying if we do this, it could make it even worse.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: That the market needs to correct and if we try to inject ourselves in some kind of central planning model, we're likely to make it much, much worse. And the problem running alongside this, Glenn, is we've got such a huge national debt that companies like Goldman Sachs and others have been involved with actually helping to buy our debt and sell it to other countries and this is just kind of an insidious model here. If we are not able to borrow money here as a country, we default on our loans very quickly because we're in debt and we're creating more debt. And so that's our big problem. If we could get on a pathway to balance the budget here as a country and begin over 50 years to start paying down our debt, it would create a whole lot of faith in our dollar. But right now the value of the dollar's going to continue to drop because I think countries are seeing we're not able to pay our debt.

GLENN: Senator, have you ever seen more public involvement on the phone and the switch boards before?

SENATOR DeMINT: No. I didn't think we could ever top the illegal immigration/amnesty debate but last year we got over 1,000 calls, it was 9 1 against the bailout. I think the ones were the bankers. But a lot of bankers don't want to do this. They know it will get the Feds in their business. BB&T has said don't do this. They have had kind of a responsible loan policy and they know that this is bringing the federal government into a business that in effect they'll be having to compete with the federal government.

GLENN: So how are we even and I understand that we're a republic and not a democracy and this is exactly what we hire you guys for.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: To represent us, and I know you can go against public opinion, but I have to tell you, Senator, have you heard anyone on Capitol Hill say "If I vote for this at 9 1 against the American people and these things that we're predicting happen after we've done this program, I'm a dead man. I mean, I can't go back to the people and say, hey, I need one more handout."



SENATOR DeMINT: Yes.

GLENN: And that's what's going to happen.

SENATOR DeMINT: It is because they are not even telling us this is going to fix the problem.

GLENN: Thank you, thank you.

SENATOR DeMINT: And the problem I have is we're not telling Americans the truth about why this happened and that it was really bad policy over many years and it was the intrusion of the government into the private markets that caused the failure. The private markets have not failed us. And it's not like we've learned from our mistakes and we're saying we're going to fix the things that caused the problem and we're going to implement some real good free market principles of lower taxes and get rid of Sarbanes Oxley and fix some accounting things that are hurt, but we're not doing any of that, Glenn. All we're doing is this trillion dollar Band Aid and

GLENN: You are going to have I mean, Newt Gingrich said to me today if he were in the House, he would vote for it only because he couldn't sleep at night knowing he could do everything he could. And I said, but you are dismantling the free market system with this bill. You can't dismantle the free market system. That's what he even said, before the election three or four times more the government will have to come and bail people out. The people will go crazy if that happens.

SENATOR DeMINT: Yeah, we're going to have some pain regardless because of years of just bad policy. I mean, you can just the thing that's the plainest is like our energy policy. I mean, we've starved ourselves of energy. We're sending $700 billion of our dollars overseas every year. We're paying through the nose. It's just sucking the life out of our economy. But we still won't fix it, for heaven sake.

GLENN: No, Senator, no, Senator, please pass this on to all of your friends because I you know what? I said this about the economy a year and a half ago I was talking about, and I said the Great Depression could be around the corner; look out, this is unstable. Nobody would listen. A year and a half ago I started saying something else: Politicians, please, I'm begging of you, you are read the Declaration of Independence. This is the way the American people feel. And if these guys go and are not clear with the American people and they do this bailout against our wishes, when you have to come a second and a third or a fourth time, the people will not stand for it. We are at a breaking point. A breaking point, Senator. And not me. I am so afraid of what some people in this country are willing to do because they feel they have been betrayed.

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, I really do think this government has betrayed the people and, you know, we swear an oath to the Constitution and there is no respect for the constitutional boundaries of the things we spend money on, of local projects. I mean, these things are not in the Constitution, and the Constitution certainly does not give the government the ability to go in and buy parts of businesses. And so it's like we're setting aside our Constitution and our free market principles in order to get through this crisis, and everyone's saying we've got to do something. We're not willing to do the right things. So we've got to do this thing because it's something. And, you know and then they are saying, well, if you don't do this wrong thing, it's going to just be terrible. So it's just a dysfunctional congress that has caused the problem, now says they are going to solve it. You know, and people like I mean, I don't know what to do except I'm going to say you guys don't know what you're doing, you haven't been right this year and I'm going to go with the free market system and vote against this thing and I hope the American people will show their anger at election day.

GLENN: If I may, you could quote, I believe he was a senator. If not, he was in the House. You should quote Daniel Boone: You can all go to hell. I'm going to Texas. I mean, it is, it is a place here in our capitol building and in our White House and all throughout Washington where they are disconnected from the people, and real people are going to be hurt with this or without this, and the people who have poisoned the system are now telling us they can heal us.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right. And they are blaming our free enterprise system for this.

GLENN: Yes.

SENATOR DeMINT: And that's the biggest casualty of all of this is that people are going to come away thinking our markets have failed, that the free enterprise system doesn't work, capitalism is not the right model. And they did the same thing after the Great Depression. And we know, Milton Friedman knew that that was caused by bad the Federal Reserve bad monetary policy, meaning he proved it very well in my mind.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: But Roosevelt used that as a way to intrude the government into all areas of our life. And the same thing's happening again right now.

GLENN: Exactly right. And that's what caused, that's what caused the Great Depression to last for ten years was nobody could trust that the government wasn't going to just change the rules and get involved. It's a decade mess we're creating. Senator, is this going to pass?

SENATOR DeMINT: Yes, I think it's going to pass easily. And they are trying to

GLENN: Easily?

SENATOR DeMINT: They are trying to choreograph it to cover people so that they can get an equal number of Republicans and Democrats so that no one can be blamed.

GLENN: How dare whoever is who is responsible for this?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, it's primarily coming from the administration, but they have so frightened the leadership and congress and frankly I think the Democrats are chomping at the bit over this. They have wanted to get their tentacles into Wall Street and the financial markets. They feel like capitalism is out of control. So what has happened is Bush feels like we have to do something. The Democrats are seeing this as a way to leverage a lot of their regulations and control and ownership frankly of the American economy and so they're going to help Bush if he helps them, and it's the same thing that happened on prescription drugs for Medicare, same thing that happened on No Child Left Behind. Bush is working with the Democrats.

GLENN: This is an abomination.

SENATOR DeMINT: It is.

GLENN: This is a betrayal of the this is why in 2004, if you were a listener of this program, I said get the hell away from these Republicans. You vote for the individual, not for the party. These Republicans, please, call your Republicans and say do not vote for the please do not vote for this. Don't disenfranchise me even more.

SENATOR DeMINT: Those calls, Glenn, are so helpful. That's why I've been on as many radio and TV shows as I can be on is just to get people to call and show their anger. It's the way we brought down the big amnesty bill. There were only five senators against that when we started. But it was you and others, people saying, hey, this is not the right way to do this. I mean, we need to have a rule of law system and control our borders, and the people were heard. And they have been heard on this energy issue. We were able to usher in energy freedom day and let the bands expire because we stirred up anger.

GLENN: But you know and I know that nobody's going to invest until they again nobody is going to invest in those oil wells and start to move forward on that until they know the next congress and the next President isn't going to change the rules on them.

SENATOR DeMINT: You are exactly right. Democrats are already talking about reinstating the moratorium.

GLENN: Sure they are.

SENATOR DeMINT: So this has got to be a movement of the people because this is a huge drag on our economy that the whole energy situation's hurting every American. The bad policies up here are incredible. I mean, I'm just pulling my hair out that in the middle of this crisis I mean, we passed more pork spending last week than in history.

GLENN: Excuse me?

SENATOR DeMINT: Yes. I mean, this was, the dollars, over $20 billion between the spending bills and the military authorization, more and we were supposed to cut them in half and Bush wasn't going to sign any bill, and we just have forgotten about that and so we're saying the world is in a financial panic, yet we're spending like there's no tomorrow here. It's just shameless. And they don't think the American people can figure this out.

GLENN: You know what, the American people are busy. We're busy working hard. Most Americans are not following it but I'm telling you, Senator, and this is what you need to tell your friends up on Capitol Hill well, not your friends. I have a feeling that your friends

SENATOR DeMINT: Former friends.

GLENN: Yeah, you need to tell the people up on Capitol Hill, the American people may not know exactly what's going on, but Republican, Democrat, independent in their gut, they know something's very, very wrong and they're not they know that the leadership on both sides are not telling them the truth at best and lying to them at worst. And when that gut catches up to their pocketbook, there's real hell to pay, real hell to pay.

SENATOR DeMINT: I think you are right. Americans are starting to see through the double speak here that, you know, they've told us for years, "Well, we don't have to drill for oil but we're going to have cheap energy." You know, they told us things that can't be.

GLENN: Yeah.

SENATOR DeMINT: And my hope is in the anger and involvement of the American people at this point, that's the only I mean, but we shouldn't kid ourselves. If we don't pass this bill, we're going to have pain.

GLENN: Yes.

SENATOR DeMINT: And economic difficulty. If we do pass this bill, we're going to have pain and economic difficulty.

GLENN: Senator, will you be clear on the pain? Because I've talked to people who have been working side by side with Paulson, I have talked to people at the highest levels, all off record. Will someone please tell the American people the truth that whether we pass it, whether we don't pass it, there is a good possibility we are looking at 1929 style Depression.

SENATOR DeMINT: Yeah. I hope we're not looking at that, Glenn, and actually the frustrating thing is we do have good fundamentals in our economy, but the credit markets and the financial part has been so misplayed by our government and we've messed things up, we've taken the risk out of capitalism and insulated people from bad decisions and we've hurt ourselves. And we've got to fix that. But I just don't think Treasury can fix it, I don't think $700 billion's going to fix it and I think we need to basically send a signal out there is we've got to fix this ourselves, we've got to encourage local banks to loan money. We could fix some accounting rules that would make it easier for them without spending a dime of taxpayer money, but we won't do that. So I think the anger has got to precede any positive development.

GLENN: Senator, we hope to check in with you again, if you have time, we'd like to check in with you again and get a progress update.

SENATOR DeMINT: Sounds like I'm going to be here for a while.

GLENN: Appreciate it. Bye bye.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.