Glenn Beck talks with Senator DeMint


Senator Jim DeMint of South Carolina

GLENN: From Radio City in Midtown Manhattan, third most listened to show in all of America and Senator Jim DeMint. How did you stop your head from exploding last night, Senator?

SENATOR DeMINT: It was a frustrating time and I know the other senators were doing what they believed was right.

GLENN: I don't believe that.

SENATOR DeMINT: But -- 

GLENN: Hang on. Please help me because I'm holding onto any faith in people not being just entirely weasels in Washington. So help me out on this. How do you vote for a giant bailout and say, no, I can't do it, unless you put in my wool research pork. How do you do that? And sleep?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, you've got me on that one because they have added a number of things mostly designed to get House votes because I honestly believe if you took the name off the top, the Senate could pass the Communist Manifesto. But it's not that their intentions are bad. It's the fact that their good intentions are misguided and they believe that we can do things through government that we shouldn't do and that's really what takes us down the road to socialism.

GLENN: How -- honestly is there any outrage in Washington, any number of people like you that are outraged and says, guys, if you want to pass a bailout bill, then pass one that is clean. I mean, I know you're against it, but if you want to pass one, how do you sleep at night when you've loaded it up with pork? I mean, you're selling your country, you're selling your vote for pork, on something that is supposed to be the biggest thing you've ever done in your life.

SENATOR DeMINT: I really did think it was shameless. I mean, votes on these tax cuts that I have supported and already voted on, they brought it back and made me vote on it again as part of this bill to try to pressure me to support the bailout. And we threw away all our freedom principles and free enterprise principles, we threw away all the principles of traditional legislation with no hearings and no debate and no amendments. We threw all this out and did something in a hurry and I tell you, I never in my life have I seen something big done in a hurry that was the right thing to do.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: So -- 

GLENN: Did you even have time to, people have time to read 453 pages of this bill and be able to make heads or tails of it before they voted?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, I didn't have time personally to read it all. I had six staff members working on it and we produced a lot of materials that we disseminated to colleagues because a lot of them didn't know the junk that had been added into it. But it's hard at the pace they try to get these things done. The whole idea is to get it passed before people read it, and we loaded it on the Internet as soon as we got it and a lot of talk shows and bloggers start taking it apart and pointing it out, what was in it. But it's not a good legislative process and if it was the right thing to do, we would not have to do all these shortcuts.

GLENN: You are exactly right. What is the -- what are the phones like in congress today?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, I'm getting a lot of positive response for holding firm, the speech I made, but actually we were looked at like scum as far as, you know, being in the Senate for not supporting the team and doing what we came here to do and take tough votes and so -- 

GLENN: Oh, wait a minute. You mean internal pressure?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, yeah. I mean, it's just internal disdain really for those of us who are not willing to, you know, tow the line here in this great bipartisan victory.


GLENN: Now, is that disdain in your own party or disdain -- 

SENATOR DeMINT: Oh, yeah, yeah. I mean, certainly it was. I mean, you know, our leadership supported it and, you know, again I believe they think they are doing the right thing in avoiding a catastrophe. So don't get me wrong. I'm not questioning their motives. I just believe that your principles are permanent. You don't throw them out when you have a crisis.

GLENN: Yes.

SENATOR DeMINT: Our default position should always be how do we make freedom work and keep government limited, but we threw that out and our first knee jerk reaction was to expand government and to ignore a lot of free enterprise principles that I know would work, and that's the biggest frustration of all here. We didn't give freedom a chance to work in this process and we continue the stranglehold of bad policies and laws on our free enterprise system and then we blame it when it doesn't work.

GLENN: Do you think that anybody is going to be able to stop this in the house?

SENATOR DeMINT: I don't think so, Glenn. At this point they have so intimidated and beat up the Republicans who held firm.

GLENN: Who did that? Who did that?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, the national media. You know, even media normally that we would count on like Fox, it looks like Murdock got to those guys because they were looking in the camera and saying, you won't get your paycheck if these guys don't change their vote.

GLENN: Well, you know what? I mean, here's the thing. Senator, you may not get your paycheck. The markets may freeze up, the commercial paper market may freeze up, but you know what? There are principles here at stake as well, and nobody's talking -- everybody wants to scare monger on your paycheck. Okay, well, let's have that conversation and then let's have the conversation of, what are you doing to make sure that doesn't happen. I happen to believe that the commercial market, the commercial paper market is frozen and I don't think that is, you know, a bogus thing. But this doesn't mean that this is what you do. It doesn't mean that you sell your soul to the devil. And I really, truly believe that if you do this, if this passes, it is not -- look at the market today. The market is down almost 300 points. It should be up, shouldn't it? Shouldn't everybody be celebrating? This is not going to do anything. And then you guys are in real trouble and so are we.

SENATOR DeMINT: Our job in congress shouldn't be to make the market go up or down, but I just want to kind of amplify a point you were just making because it's not right to tell a soldier to go fight for freedom that you may lose your life when at home we're afraid to fight for freedom because we could lose a paycheck and we're just not thinking long term here because no one, even Paulson is saying this is more than just a short-term fix, a Band-Aid. This doesn't do anything to actually encourage our economy to get back on track by cutting some taxes and taking the regulations off. So I just think we're all mixed up in Washington. We don't know, as I said before, we don't know where freedom ends and socialism begins and where good intentions run into bad policy.

GLENN: So Senator, help me out on this. You just said -- and if you would repeat that for me, make sure I have it right. You just said that Paulson has not said that this is anything but a short-term fix, that -- I mean, is anyone telling you that this will work?

SENATOR DeMINT: Oh, they're saying that it will loosen up the credit market some, but structurally it doesn't do anything to actually encourage more economic activity, although if credit is there, obviously the economy works better. But they are still saying there are other things we're going to have to do. But, you know, it's been hard to get the good information out of the administration and this creating a panic tells me that they don't know what they're doing. They're hoping this will work, you know, and almost anything would work a little better with $700 billion running around, but I think the long-term implications, and I mean long-term, may be only a few months as the world markets are going to see the size of the American debt and our inability to pay it and that's going to begin to really erode the whole foundation of our economics.

GLENN: Senator, I have somebody who is working with the Paulson team, in the room with the Paulson team. I may have better information than you have.

SENATOR DeMINT: Oh, I'm sure you do because I hadn't been in the room. Once I said this was not the way to go, I was uninvited back.

GLENN: Well, I have people who are contacting me who are in that room and they are all saying -- the message is the same that they hope this works to slow it down. Nobody thinks that this thing is going to stop anything. It's just going to slow down what they believe is a collapse.

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, we have to have a correction.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: And that's what -- you know, Richard Shelby, who's the ranking guy on banking, you wouldn't have thought he would come out on opposed leadership but until you let the market correct itself, we're not going to be able to rebuild it. And by artificially trying to hold up the values of homes once they've been overpriced and values of securities once they've been overpriced, we're just putting it off and we're spending a lot of money putting it off and so I just think we've got to realize that the government can't run the markets, we've got to let this correction take place. It's going to be painful. People will -- we've already lost value, anybody who's tried to work and save has lost something in this process and they should be angry at the government because it was the government that basically caused this. But we can't stop this from happening. But you're right. All we can do is maybe soften the fall so that when we hit bottom, it's not as painful. But I think all we do is stretch out the pain.

GLENN: Well, that's what -- we're doing the same thing that we did in 1933 and this is why the Depression was over in three years in the rest of the world and it took us ten to get out.

SENATOR DeMINT: Yeah.

GLENN: Because the government did this.

SENATOR DeMINT: Yeah, I'm just afraid that, you know, the Fed's policy and the congressional policy got us into this and it's the same type of thinking that's taking us deeper.

GLENN: But what kind of leadership did John McCain show on this? I mean, here's a guy who is against all kinds of earmarks and in the most important bill, we're told, of what could be in any senator's career, it's loaded with pork. It was intentionally loaded with pork and yet he votes for it. And he doesn't take a stand and say this is totally dishonorable.

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, don't get me wrong. I'm going to support McCain because the choice is really between socialism and a hope for freedom here, but I think John missed an opportunity to separate himself -- 

GLENN: Big time.

SENATOR DeMINT:  -- from Bush on this and actually played into the Democrats' hand where Obama looked like he was above the fray and McCain looked like he was part of the Bush team.

GLENN: So do phone calls make any difference at this point? Should people be calling their House members?

SENATOR DeMINT: Oh, gosh yeah. I think there are going to be some who are still on the fence. I don't think we have much chance to stop it, but I didn't think we could stop it earlier in the week. But I think if people just call and they say, listen, I know we're going to have some pain but let's not put it off. Let's do it now and instead of spend all this money. You know, the government is now one of the biggest businesses in our country in buying and selling assets based on what the Senate passed. But so, yeah, I think the e-mails, the anger phone calls, letters could make a difference at this point because one of the aces in the hole we have is there are some Democrats who don't like the tax stuff that's been put in to get Republicans and they've thrown in some earmarks for the Democrats, but this thing could come unglued if a few of the Republicans hold firm because Nancy Pelosi is still saying Republicans have to deliver, you know, more votes than they did before and if we don't, she's not going to make her people walk the plank. I think she's going to work this hard because she was embarrassed last time.

GLENN: Oh, they can't introduce it again and have it fail, can they?

SENATOR DeMINT: No, they can't. But I would just encourage people to call more than ever, e-mail more than ever, tell those Republicans who I think were heroic earlier in the week to hold firm.

GLENN: And the Democrats as well that didn't vote for it.

SENATOR DeMINT: Yeah. And there are some Blue Dog Democrats who just -- 

GLENN: There were 96 Democrats that didn't vote for it in the House.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: I mean, that's an astounding number.

SENATOR DeMINT: But if people in congress think the people outside are mad with November right around the corner, it could make a difference because courage is not exactly the hallmark of congressional service.

GLENN: I'm going to do a fundraiser. I'm going to raise spines for all these weasels in Washington. I really am. I think we just need to have spine transplants left and right, either that or send Petraeus up on the hill. Senator -- 

SENATOR DeMINT: It is an interesting situation where you have 90% of the American people, or at least those who are calling saying don't do this, don't do this but then you've got, you know, 90% of the people inside congress and the media and the Wall Street guys saying we have to do it or the world's coming to an end. So it's a real interesting decision by members of congress.

GLENN: What do you say to the idea that this is just payback for all of the election money that everybody has received and all of the votes that have been purchased, you know, through these hedge funds and banks and everything else over the years?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, I don't think any -- very few members of congress are going to vote because they've gotten a campaign contribution one way or another. I just, that's hardly ever a factor. But, you know, friendships and networks do make a difference and if I have a group of bankers call me from South Carolina and say, DeMint, you've got to do something, I mean, that does have an impact on me. And you know, I agree we have to do something, but I don't like the idea we have to do something even if it's wrong.

GLENN: Are you getting calls from friends and bankers saying, Jim, what are you doing to me? You're killing me?

SENATOR DeMINT: Oh, yeah, I've gotten those calls, but I've also gotten calls from banks and Realtors that have said, "Jim, you are doing the right thing, hold on." But most of our calls just from, you know, average people in South Carolina, and we've gotten hundreds if not thousands by now from around the country just saying you're doing the right thing, just keep fighting.

GLENN: Do you think that the average person understands what's in the balance here? Do you think that the average person who is just like, "No bailout," or do you think the average person is saying "No bailout" or "This isn't the right bailout" or "This isn't the right way to do it and I understand how bad things really could be"?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, I think the average American and probably most members of congress do not know the severity of the problem that the government has gotten us into. Most of that goes back to our huge national debt and the implications long term that are much bigger than what we've been talking about. But I think the Americans instinctively know that something stinks here.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: And that we can't solve it with the government who tried to clean up after Katrina. They just don't trust this government to be able to do what they say they're going to do and so even if they thought what they said was right, they wouldn't believe the government could do it.

GLENN: You are exactly right. You are exactly right. Is there anyone on the Hill that is talking at all about if we do this and we lose our credit rating, if we lose our credit rating and we can't get loans or we have to really increase our interest rate, we're doomed. I mean, you don't pull out of that one.

SENATOR DeMINT: I think it's a Catch-22 in effect because some -- I believe if we don't do this and our credit rating's going to go down because then China and other countries aren't going to lend us any money.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: The problem is if we do it and borrow all this money to do it, our credit rating's going to go down anyway.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: So it's like are we going to pay the price of our mistakes now or are we going to amplify them and kick it down the road and pay it later.

GLENN: Unfortunately usually in Washington they kick it down the road. Senator Jim DeMint, thank you so much, sir, and keep up the fight.

SENATOR DeMINT: We will. Same to you.

GLENN: Appreciate it. Bye-bye. Please call your House member today and write them and tell all of your friends call and be informed. One way or another, you agree or disagree, call them. Call them.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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