Glenn Beck: Correction


Senator Elizabeth Dole

GLENN: Is Elizabeth Dole on with us now? Let's go to Elizabeth Dole. Senator Dole, how are you?

SENATOR DOLE: Fine, how are you doing this morning?

GLENN: I'm doing good. I understand I made a mistake yesterday. I crossed two stories, you know, and how that happens, they said in Ghostbusters, whatever you do, don't cross the streams and that's exactly what happened to me. Did I make your phone ring yesterday unfortunately?

SENATOR DOLE: I think there were a few angry people.

GLENN: Okay.

SENATOR DOLE: Who said, she voted for this? And of course, I had been very much against the bailout.

GLENN: My apologies for that, and I wanted to make sure that we put you on the air right away to correct it. In fact, I want to give you a special number so you can call in to the studio. If anything -- it won't, but if anything like that -- I'm afraid of, you know, the whole Fairness Doctrine. So -- because we try to make our mistakes against congress very, very minimal. I'm going to give you a phone number so you can call in at any time if you want to call in.

SENATOR DOLE: Sure.

GLENN: I apologize for that. Okay. So you were against the Fairness Doctrine. Can you tell me, do you have any idea why John McCain decided to go for it with all of this pork in it?

SENATOR DOLE: Well, I can't speak for John but what I can tell you about John's background here is that John McCain back in 2003 -- and I had just joined the Senate. It was my first year in the Senate, and I came up with legislation along with two other members of the banking committee to push hard for a world class regulator of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and these entities spent millions, tens of millions of dollars. In fact, by the time it was finally passed, it took five years, it was passed in July of this year in the housing bill. They had spent $100 million lobbying against our bill, and John McCain had signed onto that bill, made a floor speech and literally most of what's going on right now, Glenn, it would have been prevented, if that bill to rein in Fannie and Freddie, to have a world class regulator with oversight to take care of the excesses and to make sure what they were doing with their portfolios and overseeing new products and so on, if that legislation had passed, all of this could have been prevented or most of it. So that really infuriates me.

GLENN: I can't -- I don't know, honestly I don't know how people sleep at night one way or another if you work in Washington, how you sleep with somebody just making stuff up whole and just saying, "Oh, no, it's this guy's fault." When I see Barney Frank and I see Chris Dodd and I see these guys on television, blood shoots out of my eyes because I can't believe -- how do they sleep at night?

SENATOR DOLE: I know, and I have to tell you that in April 2005 we were having a committee hearing, banking committee on Fannie and Freddie and Chuck Schumer said they're doing a very, very good job. Now, that's the same Chuck Schumer who is spending -- he's committed almost $10 million to run ugly, mean, untruthful ads against me in North Carolina. He's trying to buy North Carolina.

GLENN: Chuck Schumer is?

SENATOR DOLE: Chuck Schumer.

GLENN: Why is Chuck Schumer involved?

SENATOR DOLE: Chuck Schumer is the chairman of the Democratic senatorial campaign committee and so he is sending all of this money in. Can you imagine having $10 million coming in against you in ugly, mean spirited ads? So that's taking place, George Soros, moveon.org, you know, altogether it comes to about $10 million.

GLENN: Senator Dole, you --

SENATOR DOLE: Same Chuck Schumer who sat there and said that Fannie and Freddie were doing just great when we were trying so hard to get legislation to rein them in and to make sure that we were protecting people.

GLENN: What do you -- I mean, you have to go home at night and just look at the state of our country and look at the absolute left wing. These aren't Democrats. These are left wing, some of them, Marxist in their philosophy and see what's coming our way and know that your race could be the tipping point for even a filibuster.

SENATOR DOLE: That's right.

GLENN: What is coming our way if we don't even have a filibuster?

SENATOR DOLE: I know, and you look at what's going to happen here. They sweetened this bill with $150 billion more when it went back over to the House side. So it's now like at, you know, not just 700 but $850 billion in order to get the House votes. But Chuck Schumer's trying to do, and this goes back to your point, he's trying to get to 60 votes. And why do you want 60 votes? Because then you are filibuster-proof. In other words, you can't -- the other side can't stop things from going through. They have got the votes to push back and so you get tax increases and you get judges making law from the bench.



GLENN: Oh, you'll erase -- and I know this probably didn't work in your favor yesterday because of my mistake, but you'll erase talk radio, you will erase -- the Fairness Doctrine will be gone. There will be no one left to stand up against anything.

SENATOR DOLE: Right.

GLENN: The only two times we've had this, if I'm not mistaken, was the New Deal and then the Great Society. Those are the only two times this has happened.

SENATOR DOLE: Well, you know, there are 23 of us running and there are only 12 on the other side. So you can see how they are going after trying to get that 60, and no question. Even if you get 57, 58, you know, you are close enough if you can pick up a person here or two and it just means you can't fight back on anything. It just goes rolling through and excuse me, but all hell breaks through, you know?

GLENN: Do you mean holding on for just a second? I've got a network break. I'd like to come back and talk about what happened, you know, during this bill. Was there anybody outraged when they started sweetening it? Was there anybody that said, oh, my gosh, now this is even, now this is even worse.

SENATOR DOLE: Well, there were -- I made suggestions as to, there were 200 economists who said there are better ways to do this. We can get this done. But we need to just stay here and get it done right because it's too important to the country.

GLENN: Do you mind, could you hang on for just a second?

SENATOR DOLE: I can do just a couple more minutes but I've got a 10:00 that I have to travel to.

GLENN: If you don't mind, we'll take a quick three minute break and then we'll come right back with you.

(OUT 9:43)

GLENN: Senator Dole, I know you're pressed for time. If we just cover one question here before you have to run and that is, where does this congress stop? We've done the bailout bill. We're talking now about taking on commercial paper, we're talking about, you know, bailing out now student loans, credit cards, everything else. Where do they stop?

SENATOR DOLE: Well, you know, we tried very hard through providing legislation for the secretary of education so that more liquidity could be provided. Literally billions of dollars was permitted for me to ensure that student loans were not impacted. A lot of work took place earlier on that. The thing that gets me is these 200 or more economists say, you know, there are other ways to do this that could be so much more effective like providing secured loans or establishing a loan guarantee program or providing a significant and immediate tax credit for purchasing a home, you know, the mark-to-market accounting, to suspend that for a period of time. So I had a whole list of suggestions for, hey, let's do this a different way.

GLENN: Was anybody listening at all?

SENATOR DOLE: At that point, you know, of course the House of Representatives was very much concerned but then you get all these added goodies, this $150 billion added to the $700 billion and everyone's in a hurry and, you know, something as important as this, as much as I wanted to be in North Carolina, stay there, get it done right, it's too important for the future of America.

GLENN: Senator Dole, we wish you luck and we'll talk to you again.

SENATOR DOLE: Thank you. I look forward to it. Thank you. Bye now.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.