Glenn Beck: Rudy G


Rudy Giuliani

GLENN: Joining us now, former mayor of New York City, Rudy Giuliani. Hello, Rudy, how are you?

GIULIANI: Hello, Glenn, how are you?

GLENN: I'm very good. I just don't know how we dig ourselves out of this.

GIULIANI: How we dig ourselves out of this mess?

GLENN: Here we lost 156,000 jobs last month and the government gained 9,000 new employees. We're going in the wrong direction here.

GIULIANI: Yeah, I think one of the good things that President Bush could do, I've been saying this for a while but never too late to do it, and John McCain could really pound this tonight is how about an across-the-board 2 1/2 to 5% cut in all government agencies with the possible exception, you know, of the military and maybe to take out one or two that are going through critical problems right now.

GLENN: If we weren't both married, I'd date you right now.

GIULIANI: Now, I did that four, five times as mayor. It can be done. Michael Bloomberg is doing it right now here in New York City, started about a month ago. I don't see why the President of the United States can't do it.

GLENN: We're not doing that. We're going the opposite direction. I mean, Barack Obama is still on the campaign trail and they are still talking about Social Security, they are talking about, you know, healthcare, they are talking about another stimulus package now. Rudy, where are we getting this money?

GIULIANI: All these things have to be put on hold until we get ourselves through this and what has to be done is we've got -- I always thought that economic downturns -- and this is not the first one that we've had. We get them in cycles -- are great opportunities for straightening out government. I always found doing the budget easier during a downturn than an upturn because I could say to the legislature, sorry, we have no money, it's time to cut now. And that's what should be done. Also, if the President did that, if McCain did that, it would send a great signal to the rest of the world that America is going to try, we're going to try to live within our means. We recognize part of the problem is we've been spending too much darn money, starting with the government and then going right through our society. And then a couple of targeted business tax cuts, corporate tax, certainly don't raise the tax on capital gains the way Obama wants to do. I mean, we've got to talk sound fundamental economics now.

GLENN: But we're not. We've got Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid, Barney Frank, Chris Dodd, Barack Obama. These people, this is a train to 1917 Russia.

GIULIANI: I mean, we've been saying this for some time but it's now sort of become clearer. This is the most left wing accumulation of Democrats we've had in a very long time and the guy at the top of their ticket is, you know, way over on the far left. From the time he entered politics with ACORN, this guy has been on the far left.



GLENN: William Ayers, how do you --

GIULIANI: Well, I think William Ayers fits into ideology.

GLENN: I do. I think --

GIULIANI: Forget all this guilt by association. Barack Obama has surrounded himself with radical left wing thinkers. No wonder he wants to redistribute wealth.

GLENN: Oh, sure. How do you --

GIULIANI: I mean, Ayers, a guy who admitted to bombing the New York City police department, the Pentagon, the congress, unrepentant, says I'd do it again.

GLENN: I have an amazing piece of -- we have an amazing piece we're going to play later from CNN that Anderson Cooper did that, I mean just says, yeah, yeah, there's some real ties here. It's an amazing piece. What I'd like to have John McCain say today -- and tell me your thought on this. Why doesn't John McCain just say, "You know what, I just want to ask one question and that is why does it seem like all of your friends hate America." I mean, I don't have those friends.

GIULIANI: Right.

GLENN: How many people in your circle of friends hate America?

GIULIANI: Well, you've got him, you've got Wright, and it is not -- therefore it is not strange that this guy has the most liberal radical agenda.

GLENN: Yeah.

GIULIANI: He believes in redistribution of wealth. When he was confronted with the fact that if he raises the capital gains tax, he will get less money rather than more money for the government, he said, well, it's just fair.

GLENN: Right.

GIULIANI: Well, that becomes out of being a disciple of Saul Alinsky, of being someone who sits on board with Ayers, a guy who was in Wright's church for 20 years. And his answer to all this is he didn't know. One of his campaign guys came out last night and said, well, when he took the money from Ayers, he didn't know about Ayers' background. Just like for 20 years he didn't know that Wright was spewing forth anti-American hatred from the pulpit of his church. I mean, actually he didn't know, then he's not qualified to be President, right?

GLENN: Let me ask you --

GIULIANI: He doesn't have the judgment to be President. Ayers was one of the most famous Weathermen, known all over Chicago for that. He goes to a fundraiser, doesn't know, then sits on a board with him for three years and gives out millions of dollars?

GLENN: What does it say to you about us that this guy isn't tanking because of Reverend Wright, because of William Ayers, because of all of the extraordinarily left wing stuff? I mean, not crazy Democrat. Left wing borderline if not Marxist philosophies? What does it say about us?

GIULIANI: He has built up a remarkable defense mechanism that makes the person raising this look bad for raising it. He's doing it to Hillary, he's doing it to McCain, he's doing it to Sarah Palin and it's totally ridiculous. Of course you should ask these questions. Again if John McCain was surrounded by some, you know, crazy right wing nut for -- and sat on a board with him for three years, David Duke let's say, right?

GLENN: Yeah.

GIULIANI: If he was sitting on a board with David Duke and David Duke was saying, you know, ten years later, I don't repent any of that stuff I said; in fact, I wish I had said more of it, what would -- John McCain be gone, right? As a candidate it would be the biggest story in the liberal press.

GLENN: You were on my show about, oh, I don't know, I think it must have been about a year ago and we were having a conversation about a book called The Forgotten Man and you said, oh, I just finished reading it; it's fantastic. Let me take you to The Forgotten Man here in a second. For anybody who doesn't know, The Forgotten Man is the guy who they take the tax money from, you know, the politicians take the tax money from The Forgotten Man and give it to the special interest group. It's the people in the middle that are like, why are you screwing me all the time.

GIULIANI: It's a book worth reading right now, by the way.

GLENN: Oh, it is. For those people who have lived cleanly, they have played by the rules, you know, they didn't buy a house with 125% mortgage and zero down and, you know, an adjustable mortgage after, like, two days, what do you do when these people are starting to bail out everybody else to keep them from being disenfranchised, when we have to start spending all of this money, everybody's saying we've got to raise taxes for all these bailouts, how do you keep The Forgotten Man from just rising up and saying, you know, to hell with all of you; I lived and played by the rules.

GIULIANI: Well, you don't unless you set a whole new group of rules that makes it impossible for this to happen, that has some very strict limits on the fact that you can't loan money unless there's some equity there. I mean --

GLENN: Who's going to set these rules? Everybody in congress was dirty. Everybody was in on this game.

GIULIANI: They were, and at the core of it is Fannie and Freddie, who literally were not only not setting rules but were encouraging irresponsible borrowing. I mean, they were leading the band for irresponsible borrowing. And to John McCain's credit and Senator Sununu and some others, they tried to put a stop to this. And one of the guys who prevented it was Barack Obama and Barney Frank and all these guys who are, you know, who are now talking about, oh, gee, they should have done something about this.

GLENN: Did you see the last debate with Sarah Palin where she was talking about predatory lenders?

GIULIANI: Yes.

GLENN: And I don't know -- did you see the graph? And the graph was flat until she started going into personal responsibility. And she says, you don't take out more loan than you can have. Why is it that John McCain seems hesitant to say we're going to slash the budget? Why is he hesitant of saying I'm not going to sign this bill because of all this pork? I believe in a bailout but not with all this pork? Why is he hesitant?

GIULIANI: Well, I hope that's what happens tonight because personal responsibility from poor to rich is at the key to all this, you know, and the same excesses that happened in Wall Street with just lending money and borrowing money and not -- you know, Lehman Brothers was leveraged 30:1? How can you be leveraged? I don't even get it. 30:1? For every dollar they had in essence they had $30 worth of debt? You and I would be bankrupt.

GLENN: It was congress. If it were you and I, Rudy, we would be in jail! We would be in jail! At some point I'm going to look at that and go, well, at least I get three meals a day and a cot.

GIULIANI: And how do you buy a house and you don't put anything down? Nothing!

GLENN: 125% of the mortgage! It doesn't make sense. Rudy Giuliani, thank you so much, sir.

GIULIANI: We'll talk to you Glenn. Bye-bye.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.