Glenn Beck: Extreme Measures


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-Vince Flynn

GLENN: Vince Flynn has a new book out called Extreme Measures. We were just talking a little bit about -- can we share what you were just sharing with me?

FLYNN: Sure.

GLENN: We were just talking about, it's a great book. It involves terrorists but, you know, I just said to Vince a second ago that I think that when I first started reading it, I thought, you know, Vince, this is not where -- and then I started to see how congress in your book is one of the main enemies. And boy, oh, boy, it's got a fantastic ending. I look at it and I think this really could be a scenario, this could be absolutely happening in our country in the next six months.

FLYNN: We can't talk about how the terrorists hit but it is the scenario. It's not a nuke going off, it's not a chemical, it's nothing like that. But this is the scenario when I showed it to some people in Washington. They looked at it and they said, oh, my God, there's nothing, almost nothing we can do to stop this. And they have to --

GLENN: That's not good. Then why are you giving them the idea? Now there's somebody that's like --

FLYNN: Now they have got to look. They have got to look at some ways that they could possibly do this and we can talk bit off the air, but I know what's going to happen at some of these soft targets. I know that there's going to --

GLENN: I don't think I want to know.

FLYNN: There's going to be some precautions put into place to protect this and --

GLENN: Oh, because of the book? Are you costing me the taxpayer more money?

FLYNN: No, no, I just --

GLENN: You damn fiction writers.

FLYNN: I think we've got to -- if we don't put this in front of them and let them look at it, I do think the terrorists, they sit around and they try to dream this stuff up. And so -- and I don't buy into the fact that they're reading, you know, my books or Brad's or Clancy's or anything else.

GLENN: Yeah, yeah.

FLYNN: They are not doing that. But the people at the FBI and the CIA and the Secret Service, those people --

GLENN: That's because you know what? That's because you and people like you sit around and come -- this is your job.

FLYNN: Yes.

GLENN: Just like it's their job, it's your job to come up with scenarios. Hang around for just a few more minutes because I want to talk to you about a couple of other things. Vince Flynn, knew book. Is it out today?

FLYNN: Yep, today.

GLENN: New book out called Extreme Measures. It is really, it is so unbelievably timely and it is -- it says everything you want to say about the weasels in Washington with a great ending. Pick it up, Vince Flynn, Extreme Measures, bookstores today.

(OUT 10:30)

GLENN: 888-727-BECK, 888-727-BECK is the phone number. Don't forget that the tickets went on sale yesterday for the Christmas Sweater if you are an Insider. Some of the cities are already sold out for Insider tickets. This is all presale. They go on sale for the general public next week. This is the most elaborate thing that we have ever been involved in and it is -- you are going to love it.

FLYNN: I got to read it.

GLENN: What did you say?

FLYNN: I got to read the Christmas Sweater.

GLENN: This is Vince Flynn, by the way, if you just joined us. He is got a new book out called Extreme Measures. I hesitated to send it to you. I sent it to a couple of people whose opinion I trusted and then you.

FLYNN: Who you don't trust.

GLENN: No, I hesitated to send it to you because, you know, you are a number one New York Times best selling author like 400 times in a row, but I hesitated because I was afraid that you would look at it and go, Glenn, there's not a single Al-Qaeda member in this; where's Mitch Rapp, behind the Christmas tree.

FLYNN: And you are making me sound like Larry King. Thank you. I know your real reason why you were hesitant to send it to me. Because we have a history of teasing each other.

GLENN: No.

FLYNN: And so that's how tough men show affection for each other. If they like each other, they tease each other. And so you were afraid that, of course, I was going to make fun of you for writing a girly man story.

GLENN: I'm just saying.

FLYNN: The Christmas Sweater. So I get it. And I'm literally going, oh, this is a pretty gay title, the Christmas Sweater. I'm thinking...

GLENN: This is why I didn't send it. This is why I didn't send it.

FLYNN: So I start reading it. I'm going, this is pretty darn good.

GLENN: What an endorsement.

FLYNN: No. And so then the more I read it, the more I'm thinking, this is gold. This is going to sell like hot cakes. This is exactly what everybody wants at Christmas. It's a perfect book. And I'm being -- now, you are waiting for me to take a shot at you. And I'm going to.

GLENN: Here it comes.

FLYNN: It was really good.

GLENN: Well, thank you.

FLYNN: You have this ability, a lot of writers -- we were just talking about this with Governor Palin off the air. A lot of people screw up because they do this with their critics, do this, do that. You write like you speak on the air. You are a good natural storyteller and you don't let some editor and some other clown get in there and trip you up. And we were talking about how she's now back on message after they had --

GLENN: I'm going to talk to her. She's on -- when is she on with us, about a half an hour from now? She is going to be on with us and I'm going to talk to her about that because they are now saying that she's more accessible, this is CBS news is reporting, than anyone else in the campaign, she's more accessible. But you know what it is? It's because she's doing it. I think she has -- I think she has broken free of the machinery that there -- the machinery in a campaign for the United States, you know, President of the United States has got to be absolutely ungodly.

FLYNN: Oh, people -- I don't think the average person even begins to comprehend the thousands of people that are involved at the core of the campaign, the scheduling.

GLENN: I could never, I could never do it. Because it's just, you are sitting there just like, shut up, shut up. Look, I didn't get here -- if I were Sarah Palin, I didn't get to, you know, be a governor with the highest approval rating in the entire country, 80% of the constituents in Alaska and a few beavers love her. 80%. She took on big oil, she took on her own party. You would say, "Look, did you want me or did you want somebody else? Because it's me that you're getting."

FLYNN: What I think she's saying to them, you know, we tried it your way and it's not working so well.

GLENN: Not working, yeah.

FLYNN: So can we try it my way.

GLENN: And I feel bad for her because she looks like a deer in the headlights. She has when she -- you know, that Katie Couric thing, looked like a deer in the headlights and you are like, oh, jeez. And you could just hear the voices in her head say, "Whatever you do, say this." How do you function like that.

FLYNN: You lose your rhythm, you lose your rhythm, you lose your game. It's like a pitching coach. At some point you put them on the mound and say, listen, throw the heat, you don't say do this with this leg and do this with that leg. No, you've got to turn them loose.

GLENN: What do you think about Bobby Jindal?

FLYNN: Bobby's an interesting selection. Part of me thought he was going to pick them and then I thought, no way, he is not going to. I thought the one big deal-breaker could have been if he could have gotten Colin Powell to get on the ticket and obviously I think he tried but it just didn't work.

GLENN: Colin Powell, what do you think of that?

FLYNN: I don't know.

GLENN: Come on.

FLYNN: I think it is race.

GLENN: Man up.

FLYNN: As much as he wants --

GLENN: What are you, the author of the Christmas Sweater? Man up!

FLYNN: As much as he would like to say his decision has nothing to do with race.

GLENN: Has everything to do with it.

FLYNN: Logic flies -- he is going to -- here is a guy whose entire background is the military, okay?

GLENN: Yeah.

FLYNN: And obviously military and national security are important issues to him and so he's going to vote for a guy who has absolutely no experience in that arena and vote against a guy who's got a ton of experience in that arena. It doesn't make any sense.

GLENN: He's supposedly a middle-of-the-road conservative and he's going to vote for a guy who -- would you go as far as saying that Obama's Marxist?

FLYNN: Not yet because we haven't given him the opportunity, but I'm fearful that he is going to lead us in a direction where he thinks -- the Democrats do something interesting. They take a baseline and they say that if you don't increase spending, it's a cut.

GLENN: Yeah.

FLYNN: And then they say things like, you know, we've got to spread the wealth around. What do you think we're already doing? The top 1% pay nearly 40% of all income taxes. The top 10% pay 80% of all income taxes. We are spreading it around. And I am so sick and tired of the Republicans never standing up and saying that.

GLENN: Why is that?

FLYNN: I can't -- the one that always got me was when Bush won versus Clinton. President Clinton says, "The rich don't pay their fair share." And I'm thinking, why aren't you standing up and putting that number out there and saying, you know what, this country was founded on hard work. It wasn't founded on people sitting back and making excuses to get handouts from the government. Now, we have to have things in place where we will give money to those who can't, people who are handicapped, people who are elderly. We've got to do that.

GLENN: Yeah. Look, if you lose your job, we're there for you, man.

FLYNN: Yeah.

GLENN: But if you are one of the people -- and this is what's driving me crazy. 40% of the American people that you run into today, 40% of them are not paying any income tax whatsoever. 40%. Now, you tell me if that number isn't around 30% of the people that you run into that are in lower paying jobs that just, they suck at their job. They don't do it right. They don't care. They don't even look at you. You might as well be dead. I mean, there's a reason they're in the low paying jobs. Because they don't care. They want it for free. They feel like they deserve it. Whatever it is. You know what? If you're busting your butt and you're somebody out there and you are doing everything you can, when you've done everything you can, that's when I think you deserve a hand up, not a handout. A hand up.

FLYNN: You know what? We have let -- this has been going on for a long time, by the way. There's a great guy in the twin cities called Joe Soucheray who has a radio show called Garage Logic and he calls it the great conspiracy and the euphoriants, the liberals, this is what they do. It's been going on for a long time. You go back in the late Seventies, early Eighties when they say, oh, we're not going to keep score at the little league games anymore. This is all the same line of thinking.

GLENN: I got a -- I have got a great story that I'm going to do tomorrow. I just found it. It's in -- oh, shoot, where is it? It is in the, I think it was in The Wall Street Journal today. Yeah, here it is, the trophy kids. This is fantastic.

FLYNN: I haven't seen it yet.

GLENN: This is fantastic, and it talks about -- we're going to talk about it on the radio program tomorrow, but it talks about how the trophy kids are now coming in to work and they are having to have employment coaches at work because they don't understand it at all. They are, why aren't you praising me, why don't I win.

FLYNN: They have parent orientation at some of these companies now like a college.

GLENN: Oh, you just -- that's fantastic.

FLYNN: Helicopter parents. It's nuts.

GLENN: I know. All right. The name of the book is Extreme Measures. It's in bookstores everywhere starting today. It is absolutely fantastic. Think the best one that you have written so far? Would you agree with that or do you have favorites?

FLYNN: I'm the wrong person to ask.

GLENN: Wrong person to ask? It is Extreme Measures by Vince Flynn. Get it in bookstores everywhere, a great, great read.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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