Glenn Beck: Extreme Measures


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-Vince Flynn

GLENN: Vince Flynn has a new book out called Extreme Measures. We were just talking a little bit about -- can we share what you were just sharing with me?

FLYNN: Sure.

GLENN: We were just talking about, it's a great book. It involves terrorists but, you know, I just said to Vince a second ago that I think that when I first started reading it, I thought, you know, Vince, this is not where -- and then I started to see how congress in your book is one of the main enemies. And boy, oh, boy, it's got a fantastic ending. I look at it and I think this really could be a scenario, this could be absolutely happening in our country in the next six months.

FLYNN: We can't talk about how the terrorists hit but it is the scenario. It's not a nuke going off, it's not a chemical, it's nothing like that. But this is the scenario when I showed it to some people in Washington. They looked at it and they said, oh, my God, there's nothing, almost nothing we can do to stop this. And they have to --

GLENN: That's not good. Then why are you giving them the idea? Now there's somebody that's like --

FLYNN: Now they have got to look. They have got to look at some ways that they could possibly do this and we can talk bit off the air, but I know what's going to happen at some of these soft targets. I know that there's going to --

GLENN: I don't think I want to know.

FLYNN: There's going to be some precautions put into place to protect this and --

GLENN: Oh, because of the book? Are you costing me the taxpayer more money?

FLYNN: No, no, I just --

GLENN: You damn fiction writers.

FLYNN: I think we've got to -- if we don't put this in front of them and let them look at it, I do think the terrorists, they sit around and they try to dream this stuff up. And so -- and I don't buy into the fact that they're reading, you know, my books or Brad's or Clancy's or anything else.

GLENN: Yeah, yeah.

FLYNN: They are not doing that. But the people at the FBI and the CIA and the Secret Service, those people --

GLENN: That's because you know what? That's because you and people like you sit around and come -- this is your job.

FLYNN: Yes.

GLENN: Just like it's their job, it's your job to come up with scenarios. Hang around for just a few more minutes because I want to talk to you about a couple of other things. Vince Flynn, knew book. Is it out today?

FLYNN: Yep, today.

GLENN: New book out called Extreme Measures. It is really, it is so unbelievably timely and it is -- it says everything you want to say about the weasels in Washington with a great ending. Pick it up, Vince Flynn, Extreme Measures, bookstores today.

(OUT 10:30)

GLENN: 888-727-BECK, 888-727-BECK is the phone number. Don't forget that the tickets went on sale yesterday for the Christmas Sweater if you are an Insider. Some of the cities are already sold out for Insider tickets. This is all presale. They go on sale for the general public next week. This is the most elaborate thing that we have ever been involved in and it is -- you are going to love it.

FLYNN: I got to read it.

GLENN: What did you say?

FLYNN: I got to read the Christmas Sweater.

GLENN: This is Vince Flynn, by the way, if you just joined us. He is got a new book out called Extreme Measures. I hesitated to send it to you. I sent it to a couple of people whose opinion I trusted and then you.

FLYNN: Who you don't trust.

GLENN: No, I hesitated to send it to you because, you know, you are a number one New York Times best selling author like 400 times in a row, but I hesitated because I was afraid that you would look at it and go, Glenn, there's not a single Al-Qaeda member in this; where's Mitch Rapp, behind the Christmas tree.

FLYNN: And you are making me sound like Larry King. Thank you. I know your real reason why you were hesitant to send it to me. Because we have a history of teasing each other.

GLENN: No.

FLYNN: And so that's how tough men show affection for each other. If they like each other, they tease each other. And so you were afraid that, of course, I was going to make fun of you for writing a girly man story.

GLENN: I'm just saying.

FLYNN: The Christmas Sweater. So I get it. And I'm literally going, oh, this is a pretty gay title, the Christmas Sweater. I'm thinking...

GLENN: This is why I didn't send it. This is why I didn't send it.

FLYNN: So I start reading it. I'm going, this is pretty darn good.

GLENN: What an endorsement.

FLYNN: No. And so then the more I read it, the more I'm thinking, this is gold. This is going to sell like hot cakes. This is exactly what everybody wants at Christmas. It's a perfect book. And I'm being -- now, you are waiting for me to take a shot at you. And I'm going to.

GLENN: Here it comes.

FLYNN: It was really good.

GLENN: Well, thank you.

FLYNN: You have this ability, a lot of writers -- we were just talking about this with Governor Palin off the air. A lot of people screw up because they do this with their critics, do this, do that. You write like you speak on the air. You are a good natural storyteller and you don't let some editor and some other clown get in there and trip you up. And we were talking about how she's now back on message after they had --

GLENN: I'm going to talk to her. She's on -- when is she on with us, about a half an hour from now? She is going to be on with us and I'm going to talk to her about that because they are now saying that she's more accessible, this is CBS news is reporting, than anyone else in the campaign, she's more accessible. But you know what it is? It's because she's doing it. I think she has -- I think she has broken free of the machinery that there -- the machinery in a campaign for the United States, you know, President of the United States has got to be absolutely ungodly.

FLYNN: Oh, people -- I don't think the average person even begins to comprehend the thousands of people that are involved at the core of the campaign, the scheduling.

GLENN: I could never, I could never do it. Because it's just, you are sitting there just like, shut up, shut up. Look, I didn't get here -- if I were Sarah Palin, I didn't get to, you know, be a governor with the highest approval rating in the entire country, 80% of the constituents in Alaska and a few beavers love her. 80%. She took on big oil, she took on her own party. You would say, "Look, did you want me or did you want somebody else? Because it's me that you're getting."

FLYNN: What I think she's saying to them, you know, we tried it your way and it's not working so well.

GLENN: Not working, yeah.

FLYNN: So can we try it my way.

GLENN: And I feel bad for her because she looks like a deer in the headlights. She has when she -- you know, that Katie Couric thing, looked like a deer in the headlights and you are like, oh, jeez. And you could just hear the voices in her head say, "Whatever you do, say this." How do you function like that.

FLYNN: You lose your rhythm, you lose your rhythm, you lose your game. It's like a pitching coach. At some point you put them on the mound and say, listen, throw the heat, you don't say do this with this leg and do this with that leg. No, you've got to turn them loose.

GLENN: What do you think about Bobby Jindal?

FLYNN: Bobby's an interesting selection. Part of me thought he was going to pick them and then I thought, no way, he is not going to. I thought the one big deal-breaker could have been if he could have gotten Colin Powell to get on the ticket and obviously I think he tried but it just didn't work.

GLENN: Colin Powell, what do you think of that?

FLYNN: I don't know.

GLENN: Come on.

FLYNN: I think it is race.

GLENN: Man up.

FLYNN: As much as he wants --

GLENN: What are you, the author of the Christmas Sweater? Man up!

FLYNN: As much as he would like to say his decision has nothing to do with race.

GLENN: Has everything to do with it.

FLYNN: Logic flies -- he is going to -- here is a guy whose entire background is the military, okay?

GLENN: Yeah.

FLYNN: And obviously military and national security are important issues to him and so he's going to vote for a guy who has absolutely no experience in that arena and vote against a guy who's got a ton of experience in that arena. It doesn't make any sense.

GLENN: He's supposedly a middle-of-the-road conservative and he's going to vote for a guy who -- would you go as far as saying that Obama's Marxist?

FLYNN: Not yet because we haven't given him the opportunity, but I'm fearful that he is going to lead us in a direction where he thinks -- the Democrats do something interesting. They take a baseline and they say that if you don't increase spending, it's a cut.

GLENN: Yeah.

FLYNN: And then they say things like, you know, we've got to spread the wealth around. What do you think we're already doing? The top 1% pay nearly 40% of all income taxes. The top 10% pay 80% of all income taxes. We are spreading it around. And I am so sick and tired of the Republicans never standing up and saying that.

GLENN: Why is that?

FLYNN: I can't -- the one that always got me was when Bush won versus Clinton. President Clinton says, "The rich don't pay their fair share." And I'm thinking, why aren't you standing up and putting that number out there and saying, you know what, this country was founded on hard work. It wasn't founded on people sitting back and making excuses to get handouts from the government. Now, we have to have things in place where we will give money to those who can't, people who are handicapped, people who are elderly. We've got to do that.

GLENN: Yeah. Look, if you lose your job, we're there for you, man.

FLYNN: Yeah.

GLENN: But if you are one of the people -- and this is what's driving me crazy. 40% of the American people that you run into today, 40% of them are not paying any income tax whatsoever. 40%. Now, you tell me if that number isn't around 30% of the people that you run into that are in lower paying jobs that just, they suck at their job. They don't do it right. They don't care. They don't even look at you. You might as well be dead. I mean, there's a reason they're in the low paying jobs. Because they don't care. They want it for free. They feel like they deserve it. Whatever it is. You know what? If you're busting your butt and you're somebody out there and you are doing everything you can, when you've done everything you can, that's when I think you deserve a hand up, not a handout. A hand up.

FLYNN: You know what? We have let -- this has been going on for a long time, by the way. There's a great guy in the twin cities called Joe Soucheray who has a radio show called Garage Logic and he calls it the great conspiracy and the euphoriants, the liberals, this is what they do. It's been going on for a long time. You go back in the late Seventies, early Eighties when they say, oh, we're not going to keep score at the little league games anymore. This is all the same line of thinking.

GLENN: I got a -- I have got a great story that I'm going to do tomorrow. I just found it. It's in -- oh, shoot, where is it? It is in the, I think it was in The Wall Street Journal today. Yeah, here it is, the trophy kids. This is fantastic.

FLYNN: I haven't seen it yet.

GLENN: This is fantastic, and it talks about -- we're going to talk about it on the radio program tomorrow, but it talks about how the trophy kids are now coming in to work and they are having to have employment coaches at work because they don't understand it at all. They are, why aren't you praising me, why don't I win.

FLYNN: They have parent orientation at some of these companies now like a college.

GLENN: Oh, you just -- that's fantastic.

FLYNN: Helicopter parents. It's nuts.

GLENN: I know. All right. The name of the book is Extreme Measures. It's in bookstores everywhere starting today. It is absolutely fantastic. Think the best one that you have written so far? Would you agree with that or do you have favorites?

FLYNN: I'm the wrong person to ask.

GLENN: Wrong person to ask? It is Extreme Measures by Vince Flynn. Get it in bookstores everywhere, a great, great read.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.