Glenn Beck: Market madness


The Little Book of Bull Moves in Bear Markets

by Peter D. Schiff

GLENN: From Radio City in Midtown Manhattan, third most listened to show in all of America. Hello, you sick twisted freak. Welcome to the program. We have Peter Schiff on the phone from Euro Pacific Capital, and I wanted to get Peter to explain first of all what happened last night. We had all of the futures markets freeze up and you couldn't, you couldn't buy your way out last night. The market's pretty much closed. Is that an accurate?

SCHIFF: You couldn't sell your way out if you were trying to sell any futures because they were lock limit. But seems like the event that precipitated the decline was the near 10% decline in the Nikkei and what happened is a lot of the major exporters, right, that export to the United States came out with some bad earnings numbers and that clobbered Japanese stocks and also sent the Japanese Yen, you know, soaring.

GLENN: Okay. Peter, remember this isn't CNBC. This is -- you know, this is not a financial show at all. So if you can break down everything as much as you can. Why were we expecting the market to open and people were full-fledged panic this morning?

SCHIFF: Well what happened is, you know, with all the selling that was happening in Asia, people who trade stocks started anticipating more weakness in U.S. stocks when they opened the following morning and so people started selling U.S. stock index futures and that drove them to limit down and that's what got everybody frightened because we hadn't seen a limit down move in the stock market. I can't even remember when that's happened.

GLENN: Okay. So why didn't it shut down and trip? What happened? Why is it now at only, you know, 350 points?

SCHIFF: Well, you know, buyers came into the market. So it wasn't, the opening wasn't nearly as bad as people had feared. But remember the day is still early. You know, we can still go a lot lower. I don't think -- you know, people keep bringing up, oh, people who bought in October 1987, they made a lot of money. So people should just come in and buy, and the same thing is going to happen. But the big difference is in 1987 we were still in a bull market. The bull market began in 1980 and it went until 2000. So that was a correction in a bull market. Now we're in a bear market. We've been in a bear market since 2000. So buying a big dip in a bear market, maybe it would work for a trader, but for a long-term investor, stocks are going to continue to lose value over time.

GLENN: I have to tell you, Peter, it's driving me nuts. You know, people will watch these traders and these people on television. They're salesmen. I mean, it benefits them when they say, "Hey, you know, getting in..." I mean, I had people say on my show -- I think you were on the same show with me on the day where the Dow came close to hitting 14,000 and people were saying there's lots of room left in this thing and I'm like, you're out of your mind.

SCHIFF: Of course, look, you are not going to walk into a used car lot and the dealer's not going to tell you not to buy any of these cars. I mean, that's the same thing that goes on in Wall Street. They want to sell stocks. No matter what the price is, it's always time to buy. And it's either a bull market or it's the end of a bear market. I mean, it's always time to buy if you listen to Wall Street.


GLENN: All right. So Peter, if you had a 401(k) or, you know, if you had anything right now, what should you -- if you had a financial advisor and you got him on the phone, what would be the tip-off that your financial advisor got it? What are the questions that you should ask? Or what would be the telltale signs?

SCHIFF: Look, they would have to understand that the U.S. economy is a complete disaster, that in the future it's going to look nothing like it did in the past, therefore corporations, many of them are not going to earn the type of money that they used to earn. Many companies that have been here for years are going to go out of business. Our earnings are going to collapse and stocks are going to be worth a lot less in real terms than they are now and that riding this bear market out is not a good idea. So he would have to basically give you some whole new ideas to try to reallocate your portfolio for the way the world is going to look, not the way the world used to look.

GLENN: Okay. How much of a role are the hedge funds playing on dumping their assets? For instance, gold has been --

SCHIFF: I think they are playing a major role because right now everything is going down. Regardless of the fundamentals, regardless of the value, people are saying whatever they've bought with borrowed money. And since we have thousands of hedge funds -- and also it's not just hedge funds. You also have mutual funds and other investors that are all simultaneously trying to get out the door at the same time and everybody is selling. And, of course, you've got fire sale prices. But the U.S., the Dow is not on a fire sale. I still have I many U.S. stocks are expensive even after the decline considering what is likely to happen to their earnings. But I think people who still hold U.S. stocks, one thing they can do is when they're selling their U.S. stocks, they can go and buy some of the stocks in other countries where the valuations are a lot better. And you have to remember what's actually going on right now in the global economy is the countries that loaned us a lot of money are having financial problems because we can't pay that money back. So there's trillions of dollars of loss --

GLENN: Wait, wait. Wait, wait. Explain that. Where have we defaulted on paying money back?

SCHIFF: Well, we borrowed, you know, trillions of dollars from the rest of the world to buy houses, to remodel houses, to import cars, to buy consumer electronics, to buy clothing and furniture, to do all sorts of things. Every American has a dozen credit cards in his wallet, he's got car loans, student loans, mortgages. Where is all that money coming from? The money is coming from the rest of the world because that's where all the savings are. And, of course, Wall Street came up with all these products to put together Asian savers with American borrowers and arranged all these cross-border loans. But the world is starting to realize that Americans are not going to be able to pay the money back. We haven't defaulted on all of it yet, but people are starting to connect the dots and realize that it's impossible for Americans to pay this money back. They don't have the income, they don't have the assets. And so this whole dynamic is imploding. So in the short run the people who loaned us the money are suffering but ultimately the change is going to be much worse for us because in the near future, our economy's going to have to function without credit. People are not going to be able to use credit cards and borrow money to buy cars or to buy big screen TVs or to, you know, buy furniture. Our whole economy is going to change. And when Americans can only spend the money they actually have, this whole phony service sector economy that grew up around access to foreign savings and credit is going to crumble. But meanwhile the rest of the world still has a viable economy. They still have all their infrastructure, all their factories, all their savings. All they are doing is losing money on what they loaned us. But going forward, their economies are viable. Ours is not, and we've got a major, major transformation ahead of us and unfortunately we know the Obama administration is coming in and everything they are going to do is going to try to interfere with what the market is trying to do to correct the economy, and we know how that worked in the 1930s. It's not going to work any better now, especially when you've got the printing press nature of our money now that we didn't have back then and we have the potential for an inflationary depression that would be much worse than a depression that we had in the Thirties.

GLENN: All right. You know, I just said on the air that I'm not convinced that -- I'm not an economist. I don't know, you know, I don't know what labels mean and everything else. So I can just tell you that what I said on the air is I've been concerned about a depression, but I'm more concerned of a Weimar Republic at this point. I don't know what the event is. I just know -- or what anybody's going to call it. I just know we are headed for a major event and within 24 months this country doesn't -- I mean, I'm not saying that the country is wiped out or anything else and we all survive and we're not out eating leaves, but it is dramatically different than it is today.

SCHIFF: Oh, exactly. And the real bigger crisis that is going forward is the one that we are in the process of creating right now with all the bailouts and all the money we're printing and all the stimulus packages because ultimately when the dollar stops rising, which it's doing now as a result of all these hedge funds and all this unwinding. When the real move in the dollar is down, when the price of gold is not going down but going up $100 or $200 or $300 a day and the dollar is dropping 10 or 20% every time we go to bed, that's the real crisis. The real crisis isn't when you go to the bank and you can't get your money out. The real crisis is when you go to the bank and you do get your money out but you can't buy anything with it. And that's what's coming.

GLENN: So Peter, explain the price of gold. Price of gold is down $713 now. To most people that doesn't make any sense. My research shows that it is from these giant firms that are dumping bars of gold to be able to have some sort of liquid asset.

SCHIFF: Yeah. I mean, everybody is selling everything, but if you look at on a relative basis, gold has held up relatively better than most assets. If you look at how much the Dow is down on the year, it's down more than gold. So in terms of gold, the Dow has lost value. So people who are holding gold rather than stocks are preserving more of their wealth. But ultimately I think this is purely a function of the market.

GLENN: Right.

SCHIFF: If you actually look at the physical demand for gold, the demand for coins, for actual gold bullion by real people who are trying to save money is going through the roof.

GLENN: Right.

SCHIFF: And what's happening is you are seeing the big players, the leverage players who were selling their gold.

GLENN: At a fire sale because they got it --

SCHIFF: People are buying gold.

GLENN: Right. Because the reason why it's going down is because there are people who are in panic mode that have to liquidate huge sums of gold, right?

SCHIFF: Yeah. And a lot of times it's not a panic. If you borrowed a lot of money to go out and buy gold -- and a lot of people like myself who forecast these events correctly as far as from an economic macro call and they tried to think of, okay, what can I do to profit from this or to benefit from it, they went out and bought gold. Now, the thing was in the hedge fund community, you just don't buy stuff. You borrow money. You use leverage because you get a big incentive.

GLENN: Right.

SCHIFF: So all of a sudden the people who anticipated this major collapse, who bought a bunch of gold, maybe they even bought a bunch of gold to hedge some of their long stock positions. Now they are losing on everything, and the bankers who owned them the money are giving them a call and saying, "Hey, you've got to pay this money back because your assets are falling." And now they have to sell stuff. So it's not a panic. It's a situation where they are required to sell and they have no choice.

GLENN: Right.

SCHIFF: At whatever the price is.

GLENN: I didn't mean to say it was necessarily panic as much as it is they have no choice. They have got to sell it. No matter what the cost is, they have got to sell it because they have to raise the money. And that would cause --

SCHIFF: They don't really want to sell their gold. They would rather sell some other stock but there's no market for it. There's no bids. At least there's buyers for gold. So if you need to raise money in a hurry, you can always raise it by selling gold because there are always people who want to buy it.

GLENN: One last question here on the gold thing. If we look back to the 1980s when inflation really truly kicks in, is there any way, Peter, that massive inflation doesn't start coming our way within the next eight to twelve months?

SCHIFF: No, I mean, it's coming. I mean, we already have pretty high inflation. The government lies about it. Asset prices are coming down but goods prices are going to come up. They are going to come up. In terms of gold, sure, we're going to have big deflation in terms of -- if you want to figure out what things cost new terms of ounces of gold, things are going to get cheaper. But in terms of little pieces of paper, the Federal Reserve notes we're cranking off the presses, in fact if you read all the things the central banks are doing, they are talking about supplying unlimited quantities of dollars, unlimited. They are going to run them off, you know, until they run out of trees, run out of ink, run out of paper. And if they are going to do that, how can it have any of its value? And how can people around the world continue to accept the money we're printing in exchange for all the products they are producing? They are not going to do it.

GLENN: But if we go back to the 1980s when Voelker came in and he tried to bring the money supply in and, you know, bought into a strong dollar, Barack Obama says he believes in, that's why he has Voelker as one of his guys, A, you can't bring that money in because you'll stop all of the money supply. You'll choke the economy to death. I mean, the deal is do I choke it to death or do I just bleed it to death.

SCHIFF: But the thing is believing in the strong dollar is one thing but actually pursuing the policies that are going to give us a strong dollar, it's like you could say I believe in getting A's. You know, I can go to school and say I believe in getting all A's. Well, that's great but if I don't actually study and I cut, doesn't matter how much I believe in getting A's, I'm going to get out. So in order to have a strong dollar, we have to have a sound economy which means we have to manufacture, we have to export, we have to save, we have to cut regulations, we have to cut taxes. We have to do all the things that are consistent with a strong dollar. But Barack Obama doesn't want to do any of those things. So, you know, he wants to cut class but he still wants to get an A. It ain't gonna happen.

GLENN: How much better do you think John McCain would be, or do you?

SCHIFF: I don't know how much better he would be. I think he would be less bad but one of the things I wrote about him, you know, the little book that just came out, The Little Book of Bull Moves in Bear Markets, my idea there was that Obama would actually be the lesser of the evils because I thought that if we put McCain in charge, with all his, you know, get the government off your back, with all that nonsense that he says but he doesn't actually believe, if we had four years of McCain and then the situation got really bad, I could just imagine what would replace him, whereas if we put Obama in right now and let him try to fix the problem with big government, and when it's so much worse in four or five years, then maybe we can react the other direction and say, okay, we tried big government; now let's try less government; let's bring in a real reformer. So in a way, you know, maybe that can be a positive. But then again I could just be grasping for straws here.

GLENN: No, I have played those scenarios in my head over an over again and that's one of the main things that stops me from committing and filling out my vote today is I haven't really decided that yet. I mean, I just wonder. My question is do we survive an administration that doesn't -- is going the complete opposite direction. I mean, does the dollar survive four years.

SCHIFF: And that's the problem. We can survive the economic problems. They are severe. We've dug ourselves into a big ditch. But you know what? We can survive it. We don't need to buy more cars. We don't need to -- we have so much stuff, we're fine. It's okay if we stop spending money for a while and start saving. It will cause, you know, some pain and maybe a lot of people who are retired are going to have to go back to work. I mean, that's unfortunate but, you know, they can do it. But what we can't survive is all the government cures. All the things that government is going to do in the name of making the situation better that is going to make it much worse. That's the danger.

GLENN: And that doesn't even --

SCHIFF: We end up killing ourselves.

GLENN: Right. And that doesn't include anything in the scenario that I've been calling the perfect storm, that doesn't include what would happen to our economy with civil unrest. That doesn't include what would happen to our economy if we were hit again.

SCHIFF: You can imagine, you know, with what's happening in the market, Barack Obama could win in a landslide. This could be the biggest lopsided victory since Reagan. He can sweep in all kinds of Democrats. And what is the big mandate? The mandate is to undo the perception of free markets, that government is the answer, that we're in trouble because of all this unbridled greed in capitalism and we need the government to do everything.

GLENN: Yeah.

SCHIFF: And that's the problem.

GLENN: Peter Schiff, thank you, sir. I appreciate it.

SCHIFF: Thank you.

GLENN: Book of bull moves and bear markets is his book. He is from Euro Pacific Capital, Peter Schiff.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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