Glenn Beck: Stopping the libs


U.S. Senator John E. Sununu

GLENN: Wouldn't that be a dream come true. There's got to be a roadblock on these crazy, crazy policies and honestly, America, is Al Franken, Nancy Pelosi, Ted Kennedy, Harry Reid, Barney Frank and Barack Obama, is that the face of America? Is that a representation of what you believe in? People ask me all the time, "Glenn, what can I do?" I'll tell you what you can do. You can start concentrating on some of the races that are happening in states to be able to have somebody at least be a speed bump on the way to a socialist state and somebody who has a spine. So we thought we would start connecting out and looking for some of these senators that are in close races and get a feel tore them and see if they will actually have a spine, if it comes time to stand up against all these things, will they do it.

Senator John Sununu is with us now. Hello, Senator, how are you, sir?

SENATOR SUNUNU: Good afternoon. I'm going to be more than a speed bump, Glenn.

GLENN: I hope so.

SENATOR SUNUNU: I will stand strong, believe me.

GLENN: Okay, let me ask you a couple of questions. First of all, when it comes to guns, I know you have an excellent record on guns. I'm very concerned about the possibility of civil unrest in this country. I am very concerned about Barack Obama and Joe Biden and their record on guns. Can you see any scenario to where you would say, you know what, we need to suspend the Second Amendment, we need to reach out and take away guns?

SENATOR SUNUNU: No, no, of course not. Of course not. You know, the operative language there is it's an amendment. This isn't a suggestion. It's a constitutional right. And the thing to be concerned about is really the way in which we lose a right like that. It's not all at once.

GLENN: Yes.

SENATOR SUNUNU: No one will talk about suspending the Second Amendment but they will talk about a new rule on registration, a new rule on licensing, a new restriction on who can own a handgun, a new restriction on where you can. I mean, we saw the D.C. gun ban and so, you know, someone like Barack Obama in the heat of a campaign uses carefully scripted language to suggest one thing but, of course, his record isn't just a little bit different than what he says. Go back to his record as a state senator in Chicago. I mean, it was about confiscation.

GLENN: Senator, what is the Second Amendment? If I hear one more person say it's about hunters rights, what is the Second Amendment there for?

SENATOR SUNUNU: It's the right of an individual to keep and bear arms.


GLENN: For what purpose? Why did they put that in there?

SENATOR SUNUNU: Well, two things. One, personal protection. Protection of your family and your property. And two is because it ultimately does provide a check, as the founders knew. We needed a lot of checks and balances on the potential, the tyranny of the states.

GLENN: Got it, okay.

SENATOR SUNUNU: You know, state power can be exercised in many, many different ways. And we give the state power. We give law enforcement power. But that always has to be checked.

GLENN: Good.

SENATOR SUNUNU: By protections for personal freedom, civil liberties, right to bear arms and the like.

GLENN: Okay. I could vote for you now on the gun issue. Now talk to me about the -- 

SENATOR SUNUNU: You were pretty tough.

GLENN: Talk to me about the economy now.

SENATOR SUNUNU: Well, you know, this is the biggest financial crisis we've seen in 70 years. It's frustrating because we're in uncharted territory and we don't -- and we should never use a crisis like this as an excuse to take power away from individuals, power away from investors or small businesses and so I certainly won't support any effort to do that and I think ultimately we need to recognize, you know, where we have regulation. The reason for regulation is to protect the individual, protect the consumer. You know one thing I did five years ago is I saw the taxpayers were exposed to what Fannie and Freddie were doing. So Chuck Hagel and I wrote a bill in the Senate five years ago to rein in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. These are government-sponsored companies. They shouldn't have had trillion dollar investment portfolios. I think you did a couple of programs on this.

GLENN: Yes, I did.

SENATOR SUNUNU: Every Democrat voted against our bill in the Senate banking committee in 2005. They were protecting Fannie and Freddie. You know politicians pressured Fannie and Freddie to lend to people that weren't creditworthy. They didn't like our bill because it was too tough and now unfortunately taxpayers were put on the hook.

Now, moving forward we've got to make sure that these companies are taken off the government backstop, they should compete privately. Taxpayers shouldn't be subsidizing their business.

GLENN: Why wouldn't we -- because I know that you voted for the bailout bill. Why, A, why did you do that; and B, why, if we did a bailout bill, why wouldn't we say just like we do with the FDIC, if we have to come in and bail you out, we're closing you down, we're going to sell you off and close you down.

SENATOR SUNUNU: Well, sure. That's a fair question. What we did say is if you participate in the program, you've got -- you know, we can take a warrant for the upside, you've got to -- it's a temporary program, it's available to everyone, we've got limits on the golden parachutes obviously, you shouldn't be paying golden parachutes if you are receiving some government support. To be clear, you know, I said no action, I didn't think we should have taken any action on AIG, on Bear Stearns, on Lehman, I said so at the time, because we shouldn't be picking individual companies. The reason I think to take some steps to give Treasury an ability to step in here is the credit markets. You know, our credit markets were absolutely frozen.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR SUNUNU: And that prevents access to credit for a family, a student loan, a home loan at risk. That's the only reason to act.

GLENN: Tell me about taxes. We have out-of-control spending, we have a debt that is about to crush us, we've racked up another -- we're about to approach, I bet you, the first trillion dollar deficit.

SENATOR SUNUNU: First and foremost, the way to balance a budget is by cutting spending. You don't balance a budget by raising taxes. I don't know anyone that's ever balanced a budget by raising taxes. In '97 the balanced budget agreement we put together cut taxes and controlled spending. That's the key. I'm one of only 15 senators in the Senate that voted against the Bridge to Nowhere, I'm sorry to say, but I am pleased to say I was one of them. I voted against -- I mean, the farm bill we had was a disgrace. Terrible for taxpayers in New Hampshire, terrible for taxpayers nationwide. My opponent came out and said she would have supported it. It had subsidies for farmers earning $750,000 a year. Now, I suppose a few people in the Midwest may think that's great but it's not a good deal for New Hampshire. Look, we need to control spending. We haven't done it.

GLENN: Will you stand firm on cutting spending and firm on raising taxes, no matter what you would hear? Can you make a case, can you foresee a case -- 

SENATOR SUNUNU: Here's what I'm pleased to say. I don't have to convince you. I just need to get you to go and look a little bit at my background and record. Now, you know, I'm sure there are a couple of votes someone could find in six years in the Senate that they thought, well, you could have been tougher on this program, but I've never voted to increase taxes. I voted consistently against pork barrel spending on the Bridge to Nowhere, farm bill, I opposed the transportation bill that had thousands of earmarks in it. I even took a stand against the 2003 energy bill. It was a Republican bill. It didn't allow drilling in ANWR, it didn't lift the ban on offshore drilling but it spent a ton of money and had a lot of subsidies in it.

GLENN: I'm going to go -- if you don't mind holding on, Senator, I want to hold you over to the next break because I want to talk to you a little bit about energy.

SENATOR SUNUNU: You bet.

GLENN: What can you do? Get involved locally if you hear somebody that you agree with. More with John Sununu coming up.

(OUT 11:42)

GLENN: >From New Hampshire, an election where it is close, Senator John Sununu. He is a Republican and a guy who said he won't be a speed bump in congress, that he will actually have a spine and stand up. Senator, the problem with Republicans right now, for people like me, I voted Republican my whole life, I have a really difficult time voting for the GOP or really supporting them because I don't think they've learned their lesson since 2004 and 6. What is the lesson that you think the Republicans should have learned? What is their base telling them that they don't get?

SENATOR SUNUNU: It's hard. I can't answer for every Republican activist or supporter in the country that was, you know, frustrated and angry in 2006, but I do think first and foremost, stand up for what you believe in and, you know, the core Republican values, limited government, low taxes, local control, controlling spending. And I think on some of the big spending bills that we just mentioned before the break, we had a budget-busting transportation bill that I opposed. It was pushed forward by the Republicans. In 2001 we had a budget-busting farm bill which I opposed but it was pushed forward by Republicans. You know, that's the problem.

GLENN: You are exactly right.

SENATOR SUNUNU: We had that prescription drug benefit which I opposed because it just didn't have enough long-term checks on the growth in the program and didn't do enough to encourage competition and choices for seniors' healthcare. So I think that's first and foremost the thing that we got away from and it hurt in 2006.

GLENN: All right. Talk to me a little bit about oil. Are you a global warming guy?

SENATOR SUNUNU: Drill here, drill now.

GLENN: Okay.

SENATOR SUNUNU: You know, the problem with the left on energy is their energy policy for 20 years -- you know, I have to give them credit for consistency. 20 years, 30 years maybe, it starts with a list of the things they won't do. They won't drill offshore, they won't drill in northern Alaska, they won't explore oil shale, they won't encourage nuclear power, and it ends with a dream where everyone is driving an electric car driven off a grid powered with solar energy and there's nothing in between. There's no middle. There's no -- there's not, "Well, how do we even get from here to there," let alone they don't think about the cost effect. Look, in New Hampshire, I'd like to see us use more alternative energy but in New Hampshire five years from now most people will still be using oil to heat their home.

GLENN: Yeah.

SENATOR SUNUNU: So I want to keep the price of that oil down. How do you do it? Lift the ban on offshore drilling, produce in northern Alaska, use oil shale, and we also have a great power plant, a nuclear power plant. Seabrook here in New Hampshire. It's the last one that was commissioned in the U.S. and it's one of the best performing and one of the ones with the best safety record. That's what we need more of in America.

GLENN: The difference between you and your opponent in New Hampshire.

SENATOR SUNUNU: Well, she's against lifting the ban on offshore drilling. She spent 30 years trying to destroy the nuclear power industry in America. She supports oil windfall taxes which Jimmy Carter tried in 1980 and it increased our dependence on imports. You know, she supported the farm bill that had subsidies in it for farmers making $750,000 a year. She tried to get New Hampshire a sales tax. Glenn, you might know, New Hampshire is the only state in the country with no sales tax, no income tax.

GLENN: I love you.

SENATOR SUNUNU: You put a sales tax on people in New Hampshire, you hurt them but you also destroy all of our small businesses and our border towns, the city of Nashua, town of Salem, they do well because people come to New Hampshire from Massachusetts and Maine and Vermont to shop. So it would destroy our economy. So big difference on leadership, on energy, on tax policy. She's a creature of the far left and I obviously have a good record. Standing up for what I think is right for New Hampshire, sometimes that's put me at odds with the party but I really believe that I do what's in the interest of the state and the country every time.

GLENN: Senator, I can't vote for you but I have been thinking recently about contacting somebody in ACORN to register me there in New Hampshire.

SENATOR SUNUNU: Don't even go there. Don't even go there.

GLENN: But I think if I'm technically dead, I could vote for you if they could get me registered. If I were dead or a cartoon character.

SENATOR SUNUNU: I can't give you any advice there. I hope you will encourage your listeners, and I will say certainly for your listeners in the New Hampshire area, we have a debate that's going to be played on New Hampshire public television. I'm sorry. That's the only viewing choice. But at 6:00 p.m. on Sunday, New Hampshire public television and, hey, I would love for everyone in New Hampshire just to watch that debate and make a good informed choice for themselves. They can also go on our website and we've got to a connect there for the downloading and live streaming for the debate on the Internet as well.

GLENN: One last question. Any way you find yourself supporting any choice that would cause you to support the Fairness Doctrine?

SENATOR SUNUNU: No.

GLENN: You stopped my heart there for a second.

SENATOR SUNUNU: No, no.

GLENN: Okay, good. Thank you, senator. I appreciate it.

SENATOR SUNUNU: Great to be with you, Glenn. All the best.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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