Glenn Beck: McCain Makes His Case

GLENN: Senator McCain.

SENATOR McCAIN: Glenn, how are you?

GLENN: I'm very good. How are you?

SENATOR McCAIN: Glad to talk to you again, Glenn.

GLENN: Are you tired yet? Are you ready for this to be over?

SENATOR McCAIN: No. It's so exciting. I was in Boxville, Pennsylvania last night. We had 5,000 people show up yelling, screaming. I'm telling you, it fires you up. I'm telling you, it just fires you up.

GLENN: I tell you, I feel fired up myself. I feel fired up with the -- I think America is finally addressing who Barack Obama really, truly is. This man is frightening with the tapes that have come out recently of him espousing Marxist ideas and talking about how the Constitution really needs to be changed.

SENATOR McCAIN: It's remarkable some of the things that he said, and I've got to -- listen, if there's one man that I'm grateful to in America today, it's Joe the plumber was standing out in his driveway.

GLENN: Oh, boy.

SENATOR McCAIN: Obama came through the neighborhood. I can't tell you the number of signs, Rose the florist, Ralph the landscaper, now all of these people show up carrying their signs. But it really is. It's the classic left liberal redistribution of the wealth. I mean, that's all it is. I mean, everybody's the -- yeah.

GLENN: Do you really think it is only that? I mean, this is so far beyond Ted Kennedy. When you have in 2001 Barack Obama saying that the Supreme Court, "Didn't break free from the essential constraints that were placed by the founding fathers in the Constitution when it comes to redistribution of wealth," we're not talking about the typical liberal. This is way beyond.

SENATOR McCAIN: Oh, yeah. It's very, very left. Very, very left. But, of course, that's why he's the most liberal senator in the Senate. That's why you continue -- that's why he opposed and won the filibuster, Alito and Roberts. I mean, every indication of his record is from the far left and again, it's scary -- no, it's not scary. It's just disturbing. Let me add nothing is scary in this world because I believe in America and I believe the fundamentals of America is, you know, that Americans will put checks and balances on anybody, but it is very, very disturbing to see that he has these kinds of views which have been tried in other countries and failed.

GLENN: Okay, let me be frightened for you. I have to tell you, Senator McCain, in my business I have never seen anything like what this media has done to you, your campaign, Sarah Palin, and allowed Barack Obama and Joe Biden to get away with. There was a serious reporter. She was an assistant to Peter Jennings. Barbara West in Orlando, she asked a serious question. They have blackballed her. I am wildly concerned about the Fairness Doctrine coming back in and our freedom of speech being crushed. How is that not a frightening idea?

SENATOR McCAIN: Well, if you re -- try to reinstate this Fairness Doctrine, it will kill Glenn Beck, it will kill every program that has any controversy associated with it. Willing there's no doubt about that. But how about this card check thing where he supports that a union organizer can come to a person's home and say, hey, I want to sign you up to a union, right, okay? They are going to take away the secret ballot for people as far as where they want to join unions. This is a far left agenda that's being pursued and so as far as the media's concerned, I think what was terrible is them pulling their ads. If you don't ask the right questions, we'll pull our ads and we'll deprive you of revenues. That's a remarkable problem.

GLENN: There's a story in The Wall Street Journal today about the labor unions. One study shows that the policies of the new deal extended the Great Depression. The other article today is about the Supreme Court. They decided in April of '36 to extend the Wagner Act which was pro union. They say that it went into another Depression within a Depression. The job levels went plummeting, started to disappear, unemployment moved back to 1931 levels. With this card check this is going to totally change the foundations of business and drive business into the ground, and Obama said in 2006, quote, "I owe these unions." He said this in the "Audacity of Hope". "When their leaders call, I will do my best to call them right away. I don't consider this corrupting in any way."

SENATOR McCAIN: Well, he's been frank about that and it's too bad that we haven't seen more of the actual facts. And again I have seen, especially on judges, Senator Obama take the most extreme positions and that, of course, as you say, Supreme Court decisions matter. The nominations are probably one of the most important parts of any presidency, and you tell me why Justice Alito and Justice Roberts should have been filibustered. And I've got to tell you, Glenn, I voted for Breyer and Ginsburg. I voted for them because President Clinton was elected and they were qualified. Ideologically I didn't agree with them but they were qualified. And in the case of Roberts and Alito, they were more than qualified and I was enthusiastic in both cases and he wanted to filibuster them on ideological grounds. Do you see what I mean?

GLENN: I do see what you mean. Tell me what you think this means. Yesterday we were listening to the tape of Barack Obama and he was talking about, you know, monetary equity and he was talking about the redistribution of wealth but then he went on. He also had a line, and I didn't -- I said, we've got to look into that. We looked into it overnight. He also said about justice in the courtroom needs to be looked at. He said in 2007 at a conference of Planned Parenthood, "We need someone who's got the heart, the empathy to recognize what it's like to be a young teenage mom. The empathy to understand what it's like to be poor or African-American or gay or disabled or old, and that's the criteria by which I'll be selecting my judges." Will justice be no longer blind?

SENATOR McCAIN: You know, again that's so disturbing. We should have justices that judge, only render their decisions based on one principle alone and that principle and no other and that is the Constitution of the United States of America and that's what our founding fathers had in mind, and the whole basis of our philosophy of government is that we have empathy for all of our citizens. Our judges should interpret the Constitution of the United States strictly and that's -- when they haven't, that's when we've gotten in trouble. You cited cases back in the Thirties. I can cite you cases far more recently than that, my friend.

GLENN: Senator McCain, I hear people actually write me, say to me -- I have a sister who said to me, "You know what, what's the big deal with socialism. So what. He's socialist. Why is that bad." Could you please explain why socialism is bad?

SENATOR McCAIN: It doesn't work, number one. It's been tried many times. Second of all, redistributing the wealth creates disincentives to entrepreneurship, capitalism, small business, free enterprise. If people know that their hard earned -- the fruits of their hard earned labor are going to be taken from them and given to others, then they are obviously going to have disincentives to work. The fundamentals of the free enterprise system is that less government is the best government. Now, there are times for government, in emergencies, in wars and, you know, many other areas where we can interpret it, but the fact is that government should let free enterprise, small business and capitalism function and, of course, it has to be -- has to have regulation. Of course there has to be transparency. Of course Teddy Roosevelt was right where he said unbridled capitalism leads to corruption. But let's not take people's hard earned money that they worked to save and pass on to their children or build their businesses, let's not take it away from them and give it to others. That's -- socialism is antithetical to progress and job creation and wealth, progress for all of society.

GLENN: If Teddy Roosevelt was right, then wouldn't those who were involved in corruption, shouldn't they go to jail?

SENATOR McCAIN: Yes, yes.

GLENN: Okay. So really all you need is a law, or in our case right now shouldn't the people that were engaged in nefarious -- look, let me be real honest with you. Aren't the bigger culprits or at least the same size of culprits not just in Wall Street but also in Washington D.C., isn't Barney Frank, isn't Dodd also responsible for what we're going through right now in this kind of justice, if you will, that they wanted to serve by helping people, you know, get houses that they couldn't afford and expanding and expanding and expanding?

SENATOR McCAIN: Absolutely. And they need to be held accountable and I hope on November 4th would be the first time, although given the districts and states they represent, that's going to be hard. But over time there should be hearings and there should be investigations and there should be accountability. And again, I am not a libertarian, Glenn. I believe there's a role for government. I believe our regulatory agencies need to be strengthened and consolidated and we need transparency and we need all of those things. And we need accountability. But to say that you're going to take money from one group of Americans who have worked hard all their lives and saved and invested and done the things that we want everybody to do and taken and give it to another group of Americans is wrong, and it's harmful and it will damage our future and that's really the huge difference right now between myself and Senator Obama, and I think the American people are beginning to figure that out.

GLENN: Senator McCain, I hope this is -- this may be, because of the election, the last time that we speak. I hope this is not the last time we speak, sir.

SENATOR McCAIN: We'll be talking, my friend. You're too colorful.

GLENN: You know, you always say something -- I think he just slammed me. I think he just slammed me.

SENATOR McCAIN: No. You generate debate and discussion in America, and we need it. We need debate and discussion, whether you and I or others disagree, we need healthy, respectful debate and that's what you generate in America, Glenn, and I'm proud of ya.

GLENN: I appreciate that, sir. I will tell you that I hope that America can count on your support for the Fairness Doctrine, against the Fairness Doctrine for a long time.

SENATOR McCAIN: Not to worry.

GLENN: Thank you, sir.

SENATOR McCAIN: I have done that for a long time, my friend. Thank you, my friend. Talk to you soon. Bye.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.