David Horowitz

GLENN BECK PROGRAM


BEGIN TRANSCRIPT

GLENN: Last night on the TV show, I don't even know what the hell we were even talking about. Oh, I was talking about the Ron Paul revolution and, you know, with this Guy Fox day that, you know, remember November the 5th, which is all over Ron Paul stuff, not by him but by his supporters, right, Stu? He has not pushed --

STU: Yeah, November 5th day, no, he has not.

GLENN: But his supporters have. And I believe Ron Paul's, you know, slogan, Ron Paul revolution is not meant -- you know, is not meant literally. However, I think some of his supporters may, and we were talking about it last night, about the seeds of discontent, and some of the real signs of danger from the left and the right, you have the extreme right -- well, no, it's not a left and right thing. It's really socialism or communism, totalarianism and anarchy. You've got those two extremes. You've got the ones that want to put us in the Soviet Union all the way to those who are just anarchists and those are the fringes that I am most afraid of here in America. Those are the enemies within, some of them, and they're targeting legitimate concerns.


Radical Son


by David Horowitz

For instance, the Ron Paul revolution, the reason why a lot of people are saying no government is better than this government is because they're giving our freedom away. It's bad stuff. Our sovereignty is going away. And a lot of people are up on it. They don't know what to do. Some say, well, it's just time to take our government back. And I was talking to David Horowitz about that and I started the conversation with, you know, David, I know that you were a Marxist back in the Sixties, and he came out and he said, well, yeah, but I mean, you know, you've got to understand. I was raised by Marxists who had Soviet influence on, you know, my parents and everything else. We were in the middle of another conversation. So I couldn't stop and say, whoa, whoa, whoa, what? So I invited him on the program today. Welcome, Mr. Horowitz. How are you, sir?

HOROWITZ: Thank you, Glenn. It's funny how even at this late date, it's hard for any of us to say as parents we're card-carrying members of the American communist party. There was a communist party in this country. My parents were members. All of our friends were in the party.

GLENN: Actual card-carrying communists.

HOROWITZ: Actual card-carrying. Of course, they never used the word communist. They referred to themselves as...

GLENN: Progressives.

HOROWITZ: Progressives, exactly. So hang on just a second. Your parents, when you were growing up, they actually advocated the destruction of the United States?

HOROWITZ: They wanted Soviet America. They wanted to lose the Cold War and they had views which are very, you know, similar to the left today. When I was a kid, I used to be taken by my parents to Ninth Avenue or Seventh Avenue where there was a theater called the Stanley Theater and we used to go see Soviet films about Stalin.

GLENN: You must have been mighty popular. When did you --

HOROWITZ: Actually it's really interesting. I was a classic Yankee fan. If you were on the left, you could not be a Yankee fan. It was my first deviation.

GLENN: That's so funny.

HOROWITZ: The Yankees were kind of the ruling class of baseball. You had to be a Dodger fan because, of course, they had brought in Jackie Robinson in 1947 and which I was 8 at the time. That's kind of where I --

GLENN: So when you were a teenager, it was during the McCarthy era.

HOROWITZ: Right.

GLENN: How did you experience the McCarthy era, as a teenager whose parents were card-carrying communists?

HOROWITZ: Well, it was kind of in a hard time for me. My father was one of the -- was a teacher who lost his job. New York had a law which said they couldn't be a member of the communist party and teach, and they knew he was a communist because -- but, you know, he wouldn't answer the question. So they fired him. And his name appeared in the New York Times and I got some hate mail, which is not that easy to, you know, handle when you're 14 years old, you get it from people that you know as schoolmates.

GLENN: Right.

HOROWITZ: But, you know, I have to say that my life, for example, at Columbia University where I was a student in the Fifties was a lot better than that of conservative students on American campuses who were constantly harassed in the classroom by their teachers. My teachers never singled me out even though I wrote Marxist papers and they knew very well what my politics were. I went through the whole story, Glenn, in the book "Radical Son" which is not only a history, it's not only my personal biography and honestly including, you know, my personal life because when I finally left the left, my whole world collapsed and I went through a series of divorces. So I integrated the personal and the political in the book. (Inaudible). Understand the mentality of American Progressives. My book "Radical Son" is as good a place to start as any.

GLENN: I've got to read it. I'm sorry to say, David, I haven't. I'm kind of new to this whole, you know, caring kind of thing. September 11th changed me. I was just a screw-off. When it came to global politics and everything else, I always thought, you know -- I thought McCarthy was wrong, and I'm still not sure that he was necessarily, you know -- I'm not saying that he was a good guy, but the jury is now out for the first time on that, and I really never questioned why the Soviet Union could collapse and there wasn't a revolution, there weren't people, as they were pulling down the statues of Stalin, why there weren't people shooting at the people that were tearing down the statues until recently and I thought, you know, if your system ever collapsed and we became communist, if they pulled down the statue of Abe Lincoln or Thomas Jefferson, I know I would be on the front lines trying to shoot those people.

HOROWITZ: Well, the thing about -- let me just say that the fact that you came after 9/11 and had this whole other background makes you a very refreshing voice, and I'm sure that's part of your, a big part of your popularity. People like me who are so, you know, historically rooted can often sound like broken records.

GLENN: Yeah.

HOROWITZ: So I really appreciate what you do to win people up.

GLENN: David, explain this to me because where I was going is the Soviet Union collapsed. Those guys just went underground. They became social Democrats. They didn't stop being communist and I don't --

HOROWITZ: And in America you have to understand that the left that you see out there, which is opposing the Iraq war and, you know, getting upset about prisoners in Guantanamo is the same left that supported the Soviet Union. The Cold War, wanted us to lose the Cold War. They didn't go away. When communism collapsed, and it collapsed because with the crackpot economist that just got it wrong, it was a bankrupted system. But when it collapsed, their attitude was, oh, good, now we don't have to defend this anymore. We'll just go on attacking capitalism, American democracy as the great Satan and continue on our way. And that's really what's happened. These people never looked back. You know, you would think that people who went through the Vietnam War, I was a -- you know, I was one of the leaders of the antiwar left and the largest magazine of the left, Ramparts. And then when the war ended, when America left and the communists proceeded to slaughter 2 1/2 million people in Cambodia and Vietnam, I had second thoughts. I said, you know, Nixon was right: There was going to be a bloodbath if the communists won, and we were wrong and we helped make this bloodbath possible.

GLENN: Yeah.

HOROWITZ: But if you listen to John Kerry or Ted Kennedy or Howard Dean or the Clintons, all of whom were part of that movement, they have no regrets. They don't take any responsibility for the disaster that's to retreat. And then we're proposing that we do it again in Iraq.

GLENN: You know, David, I have to tell you I appreciate anybody who tries to be intellectually honest and will say, boy, I made a huge mistake because we all make mistakes but people pretend that they never did and they never go back, you are exactly right. They always go forward. So I appreciate it. As a guy who -- as a guy I should be pissed at because, you know, I think we treated our Vietnam veterans in shameful despicable ways, and you were part of that. I actually have admiration for you that you can come around and say, whoa, was I wrong, God bless America for being a place where you can admit that you're wrong and get a second bite at the apple.

Let me go back to when McCarthy made communism into a joke or it was allowed to become a joke, nobody -- we don't even call China Red China anymore. Communism isn't anything to be feared. In fact, there's a lot of people -- in fact, I just read something in the Yale paper today that communism or socialism will cure what ails America today.

HOROWITZ: Exactly.

GLENN: What happened, tell me what happened to the Democratic party and wake some of the Democrat -- because I really, truly believe most Democrats are good Americans, love their country just like me. But they have been duped and hijacked by socialists, by communists and been taken over and nobody will pay attention because it's a communist has become a joke. Am I wrong?

HOROWITZ: Not. I mean, you get called a McCarthy-ite. If you point out that there are actually people who have these views. What happened at the Democratic party happened in 1972, and I actually was appalled. I never considered myself a Democrat. I was a radical. And then I saw Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda. Tom Hayden had just three years earlier, McGovern for the younger people ran in 1972. In 1969 to 1970, Tom Hayden was advocating military uprisings, guerilla warfare in American cities conducted by American radicals and saying that the country was going fascist and that we would be in jail within a year. I mean, I knew Hayden and that's what he was saying. In 1972 he and Fonda organized caucuses among Democrats with the help of Democratic congressmen like (inaudible). To get America to cut off aid to the South Vietnamese and the Cambodians. And the left, part of the Democratic party and part of the McGovern apparatus, the party was formed that created these caucuses. So for the legislative party and the political apparatus, came under the control of the left, the same left that had been in the streets in the Sixties calling for revolution and, you know, it's called -- it's called a boring from within. Which is to transform the system by becoming part of it and using its own instrumentalities and institutions to overthrow it.

GLENN: You know, I'm reading -- have you ever read any Skousen? Have you read -- do you remember "The Naked Communist"?

HOROWITZ: Yeah.

GLENN: I went back and reread that, it was printed in the 1950s. I reread that recently. You look at all the things the communists wanted to accomplish, it's all been done. It's all been done.

HOROWITZ: Here's the way I measure what's happened to the Democratic party and the country. John F. Kennedy was a Reagan Democrat.

GLENN: Yeah.

HOROWITZ: He was a militant anticommunist. He was a hawk on the fence. He had the largest military buildup in peace time history in his three years in office. He was for a balanced budget and a capital gains tax cut, and the cabinet was composed of, you know, Republicans. Defense, treasury and Secretary of State. If John Kennedy were alive today, he would be called a right wing conservative.

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

HOROWITZ: That's how far the Democratic party has moved to the left. Yet when I read the "New York Times," for example, on Sunday, had two books on the McGovern campaign. And of the reviewers, one of whom is a Provost at Columbia said, well, the Republican party has gone far to the right but not -- the Democratic party is just a moderate party.

GLENN: I've got to tell you, I think that the Republicans have become the Democrats. They are the --

HOROWITZ: They shifted to the left dramatically.

GLENN: Yeah. I mean, they're still for big government. I mean, David, it almost looks like it is an intentional breaking of our spine economically by what -- I mean, here we are. We're facing anywhere between 50 and $100 trillion in debt, about four or five years away that's going to come due and yet they are talking about dogpiling even more debt on. It doesn't make any sense.

HOROWITZ: You know, the problem is twofold. One, that in our system it's called buying votes. That's what government spending is about.

GLENN: Right.

HOROWITZ: Democrats do it as a religion. Republicans have adopted it as a tactic but then also they -- the worst thing I can say about Bush's presidency and, you know, I'm with you on borders and all these things.

GLENN: Yeah.

HOROWITZ: Is that he hasn't fought the war as home. He doesn't ask for sacrifices. When you fight a war, it's expensive. You've got to go and you've got to cut stuff. Why didn't they go and slash some domestic programs for the poor. Why wasn't Bush on television every week in a press conference exploiting new -- while we're at war, they failed to bring the American people along with them. And that is absolutely the source of our problem.

GLENN: That's right. Because you feel like, I feel in a way like we've been lied to, that we don't even feel like we're in war. He should have been saying this is the fight of our life. This is the fight of our life. When I say that on the air, when I say, guys, this is World War III, it's just 1939, you just don't know yet, people always say, well, why isn't the President saying stuff like that? Why don't I hear that from anybody else? It is the lie. It's not about weapons of mass destruction. That's the lie.

HOROWITZ: Exactly. The whole Democratic case actually was built on lies.

GLENN: Yeah.

HOROWITZ: You know, the President's too polite or, you know, I don't know what's wrong with him that he doesn't point this out.

GLENN: Got my theorys.

HOROWITZ: Every Democrat who voted for the war, the majority of them in the Senate knew, had all the intelligence that Bush had. They had the national intelligence estimate. They voted for the war based on our intelligence...

GLENN: David, I've got to run. I'm up against a network break but I'd love to have you on again, sir. Fascinating history. Thank you very much.

HOROWITZ: All right.

GLENN: David Horowitz.

END TRANSCRIPT

TRUMP: The twilight hour of socialism has arrived

Joe Raedle/Getty Images

The other day, at Florida International University in Miami, facing large American and Venezuelan flags, President Trump gave a rousing speech in Miami, including this line, the "twilight hour of socialism has arrived."

Trump went on to say:

Socialism is about one thing only—power for the ruling class. They want the power to decide who wins and who loses, who's up and who's down…and even who lives and who dies.

He then repeated a phrase that helped define his State of the Union address this year:

America will never be a socialist country.

Fittingly, Fox News posted an article yesterday exposing the overlooked evils of Che dangers of socialism that all too often disappear behind a flashy design on a t-shirt.

  1. Guevara said he killed people without regard to guilt or innocence. In an interview, Guevara said, "in times of excessive tension we cannot proceed weakly. At the Sierra Maestra, we executed many people by firing squad without knowing if they were fully guilty. At times, the Revolution cannot stop to conduct much investigation; it has the obligation to triumph."
  2. Humberto Fontova, author of "Exposing the Real Che Guevara," told Fox that Guevara created system that put gay people in labor camps. "The regime that Che Guevara co-founded is the only one in modern history in the Western Hemisphere to have herded gays into forced labor camps."
  3. Guevara opposed a free press: "In 1959, leftist journalist José Pardo Llada reported that Guevara told him: 'We must eliminate all newspapers; we cannot make a revolution with free press. Newspapers are instruments of the oligarchy.'"
  4. Guevara made racist statements: Guevara went on to write: "the black is indolent and a dreamer; spending his meager wage on frivolity or drink; the European has a tradition of work and saving."

These are just some of the many historical examples of the failure of socialism. President Trump is right. If the frivolities of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Saunders catch on and spread, we could have an unbelievable problem on our hands.

Poor Jussie: His narrative is falling apart completely

Tasia Wells/Getty Images for Espolòn

Here's how the media works now: Find a story that confirms their narrative, run it constantly and relentlessly. When the real story comes out, minimize exposure of the correction. Repeat.

We're seeing this pattern play out over and over again.

RELATED: John Ziegler isn't buying what Jussie Smollett's selling either

Here are some of the knee-jerk reactions that the media had to this Jessie Smollett hoax, from Insider Edition, CNN, E! News, Headline News, CNBC, TMZ, to name a few:


Montage: Watch the Media Uncritically Accept Another Outlandish 'Hate Crime' youtu.be


And those are just the reactions on TV. It was just as bad, at times worse, in print and online. I'll give you one special example, however. Because, you know the situation is bad when TMZ is connecting the dots and seeing through this guy's story:

The sources say there were red flags from the get go. Cops were extremely suspicious when Jussie took them out to the area where he said he was attacked and pointed to an obscure camera saying how happy he was that the attack was on video. Turns out the camera was pointing in the wrong direction. Cops thought it was weird he knew the location of that camera. And there's this. We're told investigators didn't believe the 2 alleged attackers screamed 'This is MAGA country' because 'Not a single Trump supporter watches 'Empire.''

Here's the man himself, in an interview just days after the alleged beating…I'm sorry, the alleged "modern day lynching." Here he is in an interview with ABC News, complaining about people making up stuff:



Strong words, spoken by a man who, allegedly, created the whole narrative to begin with.

This compromise is an abomination

Zach Gibson/Getty Images

Three decades ago, "The Art of the Deal" made Donald Trump a household name. A lot has happened since then. But you can trace many of Trump's actions back to that book.

Art of the Deal:

In the end, you're measured not by how much you undertake but by what you finally accomplish.

People laughed when he announced that he was running for President. And I mean that literally. Remember the 2011 White House Correspondents' Dinner when Obama roasted Trump, viciously, mocking the very idea that Trump could ever be President. Now, he's President.

You can't con people, at least not for long. You can create excitement, you can do wonderful promotion and get all kinds of press, and you can throw in a little hyperbole. But if you don't deliver the goods, people will eventually catch on.

This empire-building is a mark of Trump.

RELATED: 'Arrogant fool' Jim Acosta exposed MSM's dishonest border agenda — again.

The most recent example is the border wall. Yesterday, congress reached a compromise on funding for the border wall. Weeks of tense back-and-forth built up to that moment. At times, it seemed like neither side would budge. Trump stuck to his guns, the government shut down, Trump refused to budge, then, miraculously, the lights came back on again. The result was a compromise. Or at least that's how it appeared.

But really, Trump got what he wanted -- exactly what he wanted. He used the techniques he wrote about in The Art of the Deal:

My style of deal-making is quite simple and straightforward. I aim very high, and then I just keep pushing and pushing and pushing to get what I'm after.

From the start, he demanded $5.7 billion for construction of a border wall. It was a months' long tug-of-war that eventually resulted in yesterday's legislation, which would dedicate $1.4 billion. It would appear that that was what he was after all along. Moments before the vote, he did some last-minute pushing. A national emergency declaration, and suddenly the number is $8 billion.

Art of the Deal:

People think I'm a gambler. I've never gambled in my life. To me, a gambler is someone who plays slot machines. I prefer to own slot machines. It's a very good business being the house.

In a rare show of bipartisanship, Senate passed the legislation 83-16, and the House followed with 300-128. Today, Trump will sign the bill.

It's not even fair to call that a deal, really. A deal is what happens when you go to a car dealership, fully ready to buy a car, and the salesman says the right things. What Trump did is more like a car dealer selling an entire row of cars to someone who doesn't even have a licence. When Trump started, Democrats wouldn't even consider a wall, let alone pay for it.

Art of the Deal:

The final key to the way I promote is bravado. I play to people's fantasies. People may not always think big themselves, but they can still get very excited by those who do. That's why a little hyperbole never hurts. People want to believe that something is the biggest and the greatest and the most spectacular. I call it truthful hyperbole. It's an innocent form of exaggeration—and a very effective form of promotion.

He started the wall on a chant, "Build the wall!" until he got what he wanted. He maneuvered like Don Draper, selling people something that they didn't even know they wanted, and convincing them that it is exactly what they've always needed.