Glenn Beck: America past the point of no return?


Senator Jim DeMint of South Carolina

GLENN: Senator Jim DeMint is on the phone with us now. Senator, how are you, sir?

SENATOR DeMINT: Hey, Glenn, I'm much better now that I'm back in South Carolina and out of Washington D.C.

GLENN: I bet you are. Senator, I want to have a frank conversation with you, if we can, about the times that we're living in and how close do you believe we are to turning a page on this country that cannot be turned back.

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, Glenn, it's an excellent question. If I use my business mind and look at it like look at our country's financial situation like a balance sheet, I don't see any sustainable path or any plausible way to turn this around, in light of the experts now are saying the only way we can make the financial side of this work is to what they call debase our currency or heavily inflate it. And I think that's why you hear countries like China and maybe Geithner even agreeing some new world currency that allows some realignment. But all of it's a scary thought to me. But I don't think we're over the cliff yet. I think we but it is a time of realignment. I think our political parties have let us down. I don't think they reflect America anymore, but Americans have to decide what we want to be. We're fighting for the soul of our country. And as you've talked about a lot, we need as a country to come back to the basics of values and principles, those things that we can see through our history that worked, that made us unique, that made us prosperous, that made us a good people and those things are not coming out of the political sphere right now. So we need a realignment among the people and we need folks who really want to stand up for our country to decide we've got to take the politics back because for me right now the political labels mean very little because, just because they have a Republican stamp on them does not mean they are going to vote in a way that I

GLENN: Okay.

SENATOR DeMINT: That seems obviously constitutional to me.

GLENN: Senator, I want to ask you this question if that's what you believe, and that's what I believe. I mean, I didn't leave the Republican Party. The Republican Party left me. You know, and I would vote for Republicans. The minute I find a Republican that I could vote for in Connecticut where I could vote for in Connecticut that actually believed in what I believe, I would vote for them. But I would vote for a Democrat if I could find them that believed in the what I believe.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: Unfortunately they both believe in varying degrees of out of control spending, corruption through power and gigantic government. So they left me.

So here's what I want to ask you. Isn't it time for somebody to be George Washington? And I mean, I read the words of our founders. George Washington warned us about these two party systems.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: Isn't it time for somebody to say the Republican Party has left me and I will be a Republican the day they decide to come to their sense, but common sense has been lost and the clock is ticking and it's not about the parties. And I guess what I'm trying to get to is there are people that are rallying now and they look at these tea parties and it's anti Obama, or they're confused. There's nobody to be for.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: There's nobody that is in Washington that you can stand up and say, yes, I'm for that guy, and have him be the rallying point, have him be the guy who will actually stand and hold the banner.

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, Glenn, for me I don't think we should be looking for the person. And you said this, too. We need to be we need to clarify what our principles are, particularly on the political side.

GLENN: But Senator, I understand that. But see, what's happening is nobody listens to anybody. The good guys or the bad I don't put you guys on TV much anymore, even the good ones.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: Because I don't think anybody's listening to you guys. Because there has been such a you want to talk about debasement of the currency, the currency of trust has been so debased by the parties that all of course you say that; you're a Republican. Or, of course you say that; you're a Democrat.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: Somebody needs to stand above that and say, "Look, I'm going to I don't care if I'm ever reelected again and I'm just asking people to join me. I'm not the leader." You know, George Washington was a reluctant leader.

SENATOR DeMINT: Right.

GLENN: And we didn't build our country on him. We built it on principles and values, but somebody like George Washington needed to stand up and say, "Here we go, gang." So who is that person?

SENATOR DeMINT: Well, I don't know who it is right now and I think it's and I don't think it's going to be any one person. I think you are going to see people around the country begin to grasp these principles and stand up and talk about just simple concepts of limited government and a free people and that free markets can work. And when we see those people standing up and leading and they are likely to come from out of the political sphere. I frankly find when I'm talking to people around the country, people who call themselves Republicans, they believe just as I do but something happens once people get elected, particularly after they stay in Washington a long time. They tend to think that all solutions have to be government solutions and when people in Washington think their job is to do what they think is best for America, which sounds wonderful but that doesn't work. Then you have 535 people putting, you know, just kind of putting all of their wants and desires for the country in this legislation with this thousands of items in it. But that's not what we're there for. We're really there to limit the power of government and I think a lot of people understand that. And what we're seeing more and more, Glenn, is the power in America is going to go back to the people through shows like yours, radio talk shows across the country, a lot of new cable news blogs and I'm just encouraged to see people all over the country who are standing up. I mean, we get thousands of calls a week typically fighting or what are you guys thinking, those kind of things. So people are more engaged and that's the only way we can get it back because like you said, you can put people on your show and they will say one thing and it may sound great. But then it doesn't seem to have any resemblance to what we actually do.

GLENN: Right.

SENATOR DeMINT: So there is a lack of trust because words don't mean anything now. But I haven't given up because I really believe that people out across this country still get it. They are going to have to stand up and fight because I really think we have to understand. We've given away a lot of our freedoms with our vote and now we're going to have to fight to get it back.

GLENN: Senator, what is the, what is the one thing, I mean because people are really I think my audience is worn out. I think Rush's audience is worn out and Sean's is. I mean, they are invigorated because they believe it but, you know, I think they are worn out a little bit on, I've called, I've called, I've called, I've called. What is the one thing that people should do?

SENATOR DeMINT: It's to look back to themselves and the people sitting next to them at work or church. I still want people to call and e mail because it has helped us back people down on some pretty bad votes but don't look to Washington. America is not Washington. It's not Republican or Democrat. It's a very unique people that believe in freedom. And freedom does work and actually we're much more secure as individuals when we're free even though there are a lot of people telling us we have to have government to keep us secure. The government should secure us in a sense of our military and defense, but all of us need to stop looking to Washington to solve our problems and to look in our communities, and the more we do for ourselves and our own families and people locally and the more we just see that just as, you know, de Tocqueville noticed about America the difference between us and France is when a person saw a problem here, they went and got a friend and tried to solve it. In France they said someone ought to do something about it and tried to get the government to do it. We've started doing that increasingly here in our country.

GLENN: Yep.

SENATOR DeMINT: But I still think the soul of America is alive and well. We just need to call on it to get us out of this.

GLENN: Senator, thank you very much. I appreciate it and we'll talk again.

SENATOR DeMINT: Thanks.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Friday, award-winning investigative reporter John Solomon, a central figure in the impeachment proceedings, explained his newly filed lawsuit, which seeks the records of contact between Ukraine prosecutors and the U.S. Embassy officials in Kiev during the 2016 election.

The records would provide valuable information on what really happened in Ukraine, including what then-Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter were doing with Ukrainian energy company, Burisma Holdings, Solomon explained.

The documents, which the State Department has withheld thus far despite repeated requests for release by Solomon, would likely shed light on the alleged corruption that President Donald Trump requested to be investigated during his phone call with the president of Ukraine last year.

With the help of Southeastern Legal Foundation, Solomon's lawsuit seeks to compel the State Department to release the critical records. Once released, the records are expected to reveal, once and for all, exactly why President Trump wanted to investigate the dealings in Ukraine, and finally expose the side of the story that Democrats are trying to hide in their push for impeachment.

"It's been a one-sided story so far, just like the beginning of the Russia collusion story, right? Everybody was certain on Jan. 9 of 2017 that the Christopher Steele dossier was gospel. And our president was an agent of Russia. Three years later, we learned that all of that turned out to be bunk, " Solomon said.

"The most important thing about politics, and about investigations, is that there are two sides to a story. There are two pieces of evidence. And right now, we've only seen one side of it," he continued. "I think we'll learn a lot about what the intelligence community, what the economic and Treasury Department community was telling the president. And I bet the story was way more complicated than the narrative that [House Intelligence Committee Chairman] Adam Schiff [D-Calif.] has woven so far."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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