Harlan Coben 'Long Lost'



Long Lost


by Harlan Coben

GLENN: We have Harlan Coben in. He is the author of Long Lost, number one New York Times best selling author. How are you, sir?

COBEN: I'm glad to be here, Glenn.

GLENN: I think you just saw you with Al Roker on MSNBC.

COBEN: Yeah, a lot of sexiness.

GLENN: The two of you.

COBEN: Had to have extra security to keep the babes back.

GLENN: Yeah, women were just licking their chops there. So welcome to the program.

COBEN: Thank you. It's great to be here.

GLENN: I will tell you that I have not read your book yet but Kevin who is part of my publishing division, he's read it. And Kevin, correct me if I'm wrong. He came in this morning and he said, Glenn, this is the fastest I've ever read a book. It was absolutely tremendous.

COBEN: Kevin's a very bright young man, very well read.

GLENN: He's usually my gatekeeper on fiction.

COBEN: Yeah.

GLENN: Because I just have such little time.

COBEN: Yeah.

GLENN: And so I don't, I just don't read fiction as much as I like to and so, you know, he usually is my gatekeeper. Says, this one you want to read, this one you want to read. And he brought this one in and he said, this one you really want to read. So I can't wait.

COBEN: Thanks, man, thanks. And thank you, Kevin.

GLENN: It's my my understanding is and I don't want to get into don't tell me anything because I do want to read the book.

COBEN: Yeah.

GLENN: But it's my understanding that you take a look at torture in a way Kevin says he has never seen before, that it's a mind game that you're like, ooh, wait a minute, I don't know how I feel on this.

COBEN: Yeah. Well, it's a little bit using the old fashioned twilight sleep. You know, I don't know if you my mom told me she doesn't remember my birth, that she felt all this horrible pain, doesn't remember it. And like 50 years ago I'm 47. But those many years ago you could do that, I'm surprised we haven't taken this technology to the next step where you could actually maybe torture somebody, just horrible and make the person forget. Why is that so hard if we could have done it with childbirth 47 to 50 years ago?

GLENN: And he said this to me this morning, do you remember the movie the Manchurian Candidate?

COBEN: Yeah, sure.

GLENN: The reason why that wouldn't work because the Manchurian Candidate, you would have flashbacks. Do you remember I mean, I don't think you could do scars to the psyche without it manifesting itself some way or another later in the road.

COBEN: The answer's maybe. But you do meet a lot of women who have gone through childbirth and will say to you, I don't remember anything about it. They have used a certain combination of drugs. Now again, this was the norm 50 years ago. Are you telling me in 50 years our government, the CIA, all that putting together, it's not feasible or conceivable that they could have come up with a way to actually make you forget it. Maybe you would have flashbacks. Maybe that guy on the street that you see is damaged, maybe he suffered this and he doesn't really know why he's damaged now, his mind. We don't know.

GLENN: So

COBEN: Could be a scar.

GLENN: Hook me into the story.

COBEN: An ex girlfriend says come to Paris and he thinks it's for a romantic weekend. When they get there, there's a murder scene and they find blood at the murder scene. The blood belongs to Terez's daughter. The problem is she died 10 years ago in a car crash.

GLENN: That happens all the time. I hate when that happens. I'm like, didn't your daughter die 10 years ago? Oh, come on, let's just have sex. We're in gay Paris.

COBEN: Well, they were hoping to hook up and here he is involved in this thing. But as they explore this, it actually normally I just like to keep it personal in this tragedy just in one community. But actually has global implications and all of a sudden, you know, Al Qaeda's after him, Massad's after him, Homeland Security's after him and he's got to put together why this is all happening, a major terrorist attack.

GLENN: Does he not find out in the end of chapter 1 that the war on terror's over?

COBEN: No.

GLENN: Really? That's weird. What is it called now? Stu, it's the overseas conting

STU: Contingency something, I don't know.

GLENN: Yeah, I love that. It was declared over here.

COBEN: One of the themes of the book is that these guys are patients. I mean, one of the things that we sometimes forget is how long it took them to set up 9/11 and in this book Long Lost without giving anything away, how long these guys have been working on a particular plot, they are not in this for a short term. You know, they don't have that short term mentality, something that we as Americans have got to remember.

GLENN: That's what works against us in everything, in absolutely everything. People come over from Europe even. I mean, imagine China. They come over from Europe and they see our cities and they're like, these are brand new.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: We don't have anything old here.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: And we don't understand the concept of centuries and centuries and centuries building on top of each other.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: You know, China is the same way. What, you think they're you think they have a short term plan? They have been waiting for 1,000 years. They will be like, yeah, right, we'll get there.

COBEN: The dynasty's lasted five times, six times longer than our country's been in existence.

GLENN: Right.

COBEN: So this is hardly new stuff to them.

GLENN: Do you watch 24 by chance?

COBEN: I've seen it. I haven't seen the season too much, though.

GLENN: I'd love to hear from the listeners. I'm a little out on this season because I think that we're getting indoctrination now. I think that they have did you see it last night, Kevin? I think they have un one of us has moved. Either I have moved away from 24, or 24 has moved away from me. First of all, we get the global warming lecture from one of the stars every single episode, but also last night they were going after, you know, basically Blackwater.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: And the president was saying "We have a private army and this is wrong to have a private army." And for a conservative show, what used to be a conservative show is now starting to look at all of the things from, you know, the Bush administration and say that was bad, yeah.

COBEN: But is it still gripping? Is it still moving, is it exciting? It's entertainment.

GLENN: Do you like I mean, see, what I really like is one of my favorite novels was State of Fear. I love State of Fear because I learned something in it, too. You know what I mean?

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: I like novels that aren't just complete fiction.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: There's

COBEN: An issue you can discuss.

GLENN: Yeah, and that's what intrigued me about the idea of your book with a little bit of the torture in it and what we're doing. If you don't remember it, is it still torture.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: Do you have an opinion on that or is that revealed in the book?

COBEN: Well, I don't actually. You know, all the torture stuff, of course, is a horrible and confusing issue and I'm suspicious of anybody who's too far on one side or the other. I mean, the people who are gung ho for Gitmo and those who are can't understand under any circumstance doing anything that may be stressful, I don't get either side. And I'm suspicious of anybody on either side of that claim. It's a hard question for a reason.

GLENN: Yeah.

COBEN: If it was an easy answer

GLENN: But it doesn't mean you don't answer it.

COBEN: That's true.

GLENN: No, seriously.

COBEN: I agree. It's great. And if you come with a strong if you are telling me, yes, we should definitely do it or definitely not do it, I'm just a little bit suspicious. It should trouble you. And it should trouble you. If you can actually say to me, all right, if I say to you this man, if you punch him really hard in the face, you're going to save the lives of 10,000 children. Anybody would say to me, no, you can't touch him under any circumstances, that's our law. I'm just, that makes me obviously uncomfortable.

GLENN: And anybody who also steps up and goes, "Punch him in the face!" You're kind of like, you are a little too eager.

COBEN: It should be hard. That's why it's exciting to write about because it will be fun.

GLENN: We're releasing today the guy who was the anthrax doctor, you know, in Gitmo and the I'm sorry, the ten Chinese Muslim extremist terrorists that were held at Gitmo we're now we can't send them back to China because they'll be killed or tortured or whatever over there because and the rest of the world does not want these guys because they're terrorists. We're going to release them on the streets and give them welfare and set them up. How do you solve this problem? Me personally, I put them in a little bamboo boat and I send them back to China. You are Chinese citizens; God bless you. How do we solve this?

COBEN: I think you probably have the right answer on that one. You know, let them go back and, you know, go with Allah, go with Allah and see how it all works out over there. I mean, I don't know. These are that's why I have you, Glenn.

GLENN: (Laughing).

COBEN: I'm fiction. Long Lost is fiction. People ask me what I do for a living, I make stuff up. You know what I mean? I don't have to worry

GLENN: We have so much in common. We have so much in common.

COBEN: Like most of your politicians you have on this show.

GLENN: Hang on just a second. Let me take a quick break. I want to ask you a little bit about AIG and Barney Frank's idea of going ahead and saying, yeah, you know what, let's have the government decide what everybody should make in salaries. Back in a second.

(OUT 10:43)

GLENN: Harlan Coben, the name of the book is Long Lost, high, high, high marks from my crew here. I have not read it yet but, you know, number one on the Times.

COBEN: Tonight you better start crying.

GLENN: Holy cow. I want to talk to you real quick about, you know, there's been a lot of there's a lot of people that say, oh, if you think we're marching to socialism, you're crazy. You're just I think socialism may we may be quickly passing socialism. I mean, it is amazing what's going on with now Barney Frank saying you take a dime of government money; we're also going to control all of your salaries and everything else, we're going to control it all.

COBEN: Yeah, it's another strange issue because the demonizing of the AIG guys was just really wrong. I mean, there's certainly problems in the system but, you know, this sort of personally demonizing I think to gain a lot of political capital was fairly horrible. There's no you know, these guys are not evil. That's what makes it so interesting. It's a very gray area in terms of what these guys are all about and to start that stuff

GLENN: Well, I think some of them, Bernie Madoff, he clearly is.

COBEN: That's a criminal. That's the problem. You shouldn't link Bernie Madoff with the egg guys.

GLENN: Exactly. There are good guys in congress that don't have any clue as to what they are doing and others do exactly.

COBEN: Others who have the AIG faces, for years they sort of made fun of welfare moms. They are on welfare. They may not like it but, you know, the Wall Street's on welfare enough and you have to face up to that, also.

GLENN: Where are the people that were against corporate welfare? Where are they?

COBEN: They're no one's around anymore. All of a sudden everybody is a little bit socialist. It's not just

GLENN: I saw on the back of the book here, is this in Europe?

COBEN: That's in Europe.

GLENN: You were spending a lot of time over in Europe when you are doing research on this?

COBEN: I had a French movie made of one of my books called "Tell No One" and I pride myself on being the Jerry Lewis of crime fiction. I'm big in Paris, France. So I was over there on book tour.

GLENN: Okay. So then you are a perfect guy to talk about it. G 20 is happening this week.

COBEN: Yeah.

GLENN: Obama last time was greeted as the savior of all mankind over in Europe. Not so much this time.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: Because they are saying we're spending Europe is saying we're spending too much program too much on programs and we are out of control. What do you think the response to him over in Europe is going to be?

COBEN: I still think he's still in the honeymoon phase over there but that's what's sort of interesting. You know, the G 20 also points out one of the problems we Americans ignored, it's not an American problem, the economy. You want to blame Bush, this is worldwide. It's just as bad in the U.K. and all over Europe. But it's funny because they used to be able to point to us, you Americans, you don't have any of these programs and you are not spending enough. Now wait a minute, you know, we want to be the ones spending more than you guys. So calm down over there.

GLENN: Yeah, they are really, they are quite concerned. And you know what I find also interesting is who was it I read about today, you know, Brazil last week said that it was blonde hair, blue eyes, the president of Brazil, blonde haired, blue eyed problem and was it Sarkozy? Who was it that came out yesterday and said that it was the Anglo Saxons? Basically England and America that has caused this problem. The world is really starting to demonize.

COBEN: Right.

GLENN: Us.

COBEN: I think it's the same way that we are demonizing AIG or Wall Street that, you know, people are always looking for the person to blame and a person to demonize. That's so one of the most convenient target. It's our fault, we were greedy and all of that.

GLENN: It's interesting to me that while everybody wants to demonize and take it out on, you know, the wealthiest 1% or 5% or 2%, whatever it is, I've been making this case for a long time, when these politicians say I'm going to go up and I'm going to buy these drugs from Canada because it's not right that, you know, Canada pays less than we do, yada, yada, and I keep pointing out, no, no, no, that's just your theory that we're the wealthiest 1% that, you know, the wealthiest 1% should pay more. We are the wealthiest 1%, or 5% in the entire world.

COBEN: That's an interesting point, yeah.

GLENN: So everybody is doing what we're doing now to ourselves. We're demonizing the wealthiest 1%; the rest of the world is saying, "Yeah, it's the wealthiest 1% that did that to us." Even our poorest in America are still part of the wealthiest 1%.

COBEN: Right, right.

GLENN: You know the difference in France. Tell me about the houses in France compared to the houses here.

COBEN: Well, in Paris they are actually awfully beautiful. What can I tell you. But, you know, you are absolutely right that it's always a problem when you are trying to demonize because one day you may be on the wrong side of that demonization.

GLENN: Yeah.

COBEN: You know, I mean, Barney Frank is, you know, going too far and I really think he is. And I back a lot of the stuff they were doing but you've got to be careful when you're making, you know, political hay, you pointed out, I guess it was last night you had the attorney general from

GLENN: Yeah, it was a little, a little ugly.

COBEN: Well, you know, there are laws. This country is based on laws and things like that. Someone breaks the law; Bernie Madoff, you go after them, you go after them hard. Here's the other thing. I don't get why Bernie Madoff's kids get to keep anything. If I steal your TV and I give it to my kid, it's not his TV.

GLENN: Yeah.

COBEN: So even if they didn't do it, even if they didn't know.

GLENN: They did know.

COBEN: But even if they did I'm giving them that. Even if they didn't know, if I steal your TV and I give it to my kid and never tell them, does my kid get to keep that TV or does he have to give it back to you?

GLENN: More on Long Lost in today's e mail newsletter. That is the name of the book. Comes out today?

COBEN: Comes out today.

GLENN: Long Lost, Harlan Coben, rave, rave, rave reviews from the Mercury staff here at the Glenn Beck program. Thank you so much and we'll see you again.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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