Glenn Beck: The guy who got Specter out


Learn more about Pat Toomey at his official website, ToomeyforSenate.com

GLENN: From Radio City in Midtown Manhattan, this is the third most listened to show in all of America and we're strangely proud of that. Hello, America. My name is Glenn Beck. I'm glad that you're here. There's a ton to do yet today. I want to get right to Pat Toomey. He is a Republican for Senate in Pennsylvania. He's the guy that had a 21 point lead in the polls that scared Arlen Specter and Arlen went... (crying). And he's with us now. Mr. Toomey, how are you, sir?

TOOMEY: I'm doing great, Glenn, how are you?

GLENN: I'm doing good. It's good to have you on the program.

TOOMEY: Well, thank you.

GLENN: So Arlen Specter, a guy who I never voted for even though I lived in Pennsylvania, nor would I vote for because the guy was never a Republican. He was only a guy who just wanted to win elections and do what he wanted.

TOOMEY: Right.

GLENN: You see this as a good thing, getting away from the Arlen Specters of the Republican Party?

TOOMEY: Well, you know, Glenn, I think we ought to be a party that has a wide range of opinions and that's a perfectly healthy situation, but Arlen Specter never agreed with us on anything. The fundamental idea it seems to me that unites Republicans is belief in the freedom of the individual and limiting the power of government, and Arlen Specter has always been about growing government as long as he's got the opportunity to exercise control, as long as it enhances his power, he's been for more government and less freedom. That just, I don't see a home in the Republican Party for someone who takes that approach.

GLENN: Okay. May I just I hope you don't regret this interview here because I'm not a Republican. I am more and more of a libertarian because I'm sick to death of the Republicans because of what you just said. What you just said is so true but unfortunately there has been too many people that have made their homes and have given us progressive or progressive light as our choices. We have got to offer, whether it's in the Republicans, the Democrats, a third party, I don't care but America is hungry for meat and potatoes, and those meat and potatoes are maximum liberties and minimum government and I haven't seen that in the Republican Party. George Bush didn't offer that.

TOOMEY: No, he didn't. Glenn, you are absolutely right and I think that's why Republicans were thrown out of power. And I repeat, I was in office when I saw this happening. I saw my Republican colleagues voting to grow government. They were just, many of them were just all too happy to capitulate to Bill Clinton and then under George Bush, the absence of a single veto, the explosion of earmarks, the creation of new entitlements, the farm bill. I mean, the list just goes on and on. And I cast a lot of lonely votes because I just thought it was all wrong. I think you're right. I think we've got to stand for something, but I'm hoping that the Republican Party by which I don't refer to the grassroots of people of America, they haven't changed.

GLENN: No.

TOOMEY: But the elected Republicans, I'm hoping to beginning they will figure this out.

GLENN: Everybody is saying the Republican Party, should it move left, should it move right and I contend it should restore itself where the average person is. The average person is not they are falling in line with Barack Obama because they like him. They like him as a person. But if you look at his ratings on the policies, they do not like those policies. So you need to reconnect with the mainstream of America, which doesn't say let's nationalize banks, let's nationalize industries.

TOOMEY: Right.

GLENN: But your party went and gave I mean, look, Senator Santorum is a friend of mine, went he went and he endorsed Senator Specter the last time. I mean, and that

TOOMEY: He did, yeah.

GLENN: I think that hurt Senator Santorum.

TOOMEY: I think that hurt him and I agree completely that people across Pennsylvania and I suspect across the country, they like President Obama as an individual, they see him as a charismatic, attractive, charming, persuasive guy. They are not sold on these policies. And if you look at it, I mean, Senator Specter was in lockstep there with all the bailouts, with the massive spending, the unprecedented debt, with the erosion of our freedoms, and he woke up one morning and realized, I can't get reelected in the Republican Party, which shows you that the rank and file Republicans still believe in the idea of limited government and personal freedom.

GLENN: Do you believe, Pat, that there is a that the party has connected to the people? I think the people understand it. I think, you know, these I've seen Republicans say they have got to distance themselves from people like me and they have to distance themselves from tea parties and et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. No, they don't. That is that really is the beginning of, those are the brave people that are standing up right now.

TOOMEY: That's right, yeah.

GLENN: Most people, they don't do those kinds of things.

TOOMEY: That's exactly right.

GLENN: But they are thinking those things.

TOOMEY: Exactly. For every person who's willing and able really to take the time and actually go down to a tea party and wave a sign, there are hundreds, if not thousands of people who share the sentiment but for whatever reason they can't or they won't go out and actually go to a rally. I think

GLENN: So explain to me, explain to me who you think the average American is. Forget about party. What is the average American thinking right now?

TOOMEY: I think the average American is thinking I've got to get up every day and I've got to go to work, I've got to be productive in order to take care of myself and my family, and I am alarmed that the federal government is going to saddle me with obligations and debts and commitments that they've got no right imposing on me and frankly I probably can't afford. I think that's going through the minds of a lot of average Americans.

GLENN: The average American also will say this, and help me answer this: Well, but they tell us if we don't do this, then the whole thing falls apart. I don't want the whole thing to fall apart. What should we do? Nothing is not an answer.

TOOMEY: Yeah, but the average American understands that part of what got us into this mess is too much borrowing and spending and it's pretty hard for the average American to understand how massive increases in borrowing and spending is going to get us out of a problem that was caused by borrowing and spending.

GLENN: What would you be doing with GM right now and Chrysler?

TOOMEY: I think the federal government needs to let GM work out its deal with its bondholders and if they can't do that outside of bankruptcy, they have got to go into bankruptcy. You know, we've got to remember bankruptcy is not a death sentence and it is the longstanding appropriate mechanism for dealing with failed companies. It's an opportunity to salvage whatever assets work, but that's for the bondholders to work out and frankly they are going to have to take a hit and it shouldn't be the taxpayers' problem because the taxpayers didn't cause this.

GLENN: When you lost to Arlen Specter in the primary, you actually endorsed Arlen Specter afterwards, did you not?

TOOMEY: I did, yeah.

GLENN: Why?

TOOMEY: I did that because I thought at the time with a relatively narrow Republican control, we ought to I was very concerned that his opponent, Joe Hoeffel, was an extreme leftwing Democrat and would be even worse than Arlen Specter. So I thought

GLENN: If you had to do it all over again, would you do it? And if not, why?

TOOMEY: Well

GLENN: And if so, why?

TOOMEY: Yeah. You know, I haven't given that much thought, Glenn. If I had to do it over again, I think it would be pretty hard to do it after seeing the way he really betrayed all of the principles that I believe in, that I stand for and then even abandoned the party that had supported him for 30 years. I think it would be pretty hard to endorse him again.

GLENN: Then when you endorsed him, the Republicans were like, okay, Pat, all right, good boy. But then he went off to the Club For Growth and hacked them all off again.

TOOMEY: Yeah. Well, there are some people that were pretty annoyed with the Club For Growth. We've got an awful lot of people that love what we do, Glenn. We think that the Republicans ought to stand for limited government and economic freedom. And we support those who do and the Club For Growth has opposed those that don't. We just think, you know, just because you have an R after your name doesn't somehow entitle you to stay in office. You actually should stand for something.

GLENN: Are you concerned at all about the amount of Republicans that are looking I mean, I think the reason why John McCain lost is because he was progressive light. His understanding, he thinks Teddy Roosevelt was the greatest president to ever live. Teddy Roosevelt was a progressive.

TOOMEY: Right.

GLENN: That believed in taking wealth away from people and capping wealth in the country. Are you concerned at all about the number of people, that there is no real freedom choice between the two? It's what you said about, who was it, maybe Arlen Specter where you were saying that, you know, people just want bigger government and their control of that big government, they're okay. Are you concerned about the number of Republicans that or the lack of people in Washington that see and understand constitutional freedom the way our founders did?

TOOMEY: Well, yes, certainly it was actually one of my biggest surprises. I guess maybe an example of my naivety when I first got elected to congress. I was a small business guy and I discovered just how few people really cared about abiding by the Constitution, respecting the freedoms guaranteed by it. But I have to say I think there's been progress. I thought it was big progress when every single House Republican voted against that awful stimulus bill. I think that was substantial. I see

GLENN: But how many of them would have how many would have done that if George Bush would have proposed the exact same thing?

TOOMEY: Well, this is a good question and we'll never know the answer, Glenn. I'd like to think a lot of them. At least they all voted against it this time. We've got to say that for them. And I also would point out, there are some guys who are absolutely true believers who are gaining influence and prominence, guys like Jim DeMint and Tom Coburn and in the house Mike Pinson, Jeb Hensarling. I'm encouraged by some of the individuals and some of what I think is a growing realization that the party has to get back to the fundamental ideas that, well, gave it a majority and gave Ronald Reagan his success.

GLENN: Orrin Hatch said I don't think there's anybody in the world I'm quoting I don't think there's anybody in the world who believes Toomey can get elected in Pennsylvania. He was asked if the party would back you. He said, quote, I don't think so.

TOOMEY: Well, you know, that's funny. I spoke with Senator Hatch just yesterday and Senator Hatch said I've been a very close friend of Arlen's for a long time and I shouldn't have said that. I don't think he believes that's true. He did actually correct himself shortly thereafter and, of course, the chairman of the state committee of Pennsylvania as well as the chairman of the national Senate committee, they realize I can be elected, I can win in Pennsylvania. You know, Glenn, I was elected three times to a Democrat leaning House seat, and I never lost that seat. So I can win statewide in Pennsylvania with a message about limiting the power of government, defending the freedom of individuals, limiting this huge lurch to the left that this administration is attempting. I'm very confident I can win.

GLENN: You left congress in 2002 because you gave a campaign promise that you would only stay for three terms.

TOOMEY: Yeah, 2004.

GLENN: Serve three terms and then you left. Was it 4?

TOOMEY: 2004.

GLENN: And then you left because you said you would only serve those terms and you did.

TOOMEY: Right.

GLENN: Okay. May I ask you, I mean, I have a great deal of respect for Orrin Hatch. I think he is a real statesman. I think he is a good man, but I have to tell you I think the thinking like Orrin Hatch is the real problem in the Republican Party, and I say this with reservation because I like him so much. He is a nice, good gentleman that you just don't see gentlemen in Washington very much anymore. But with that being said, he is also the kind of guy who I mean just recently said about Tim Geithner that, you know, he needed to vote for Tim Geithner because he was the guy to get the job done, when Tim Geithner was clearly somebody who is, you know, a little shady in his income tax practices, to say the least. Do you believe that it is time for a or do you think one is coming for a restoration? Barack Obama said last night that he is remaking America. That scares me because I don't want it remade. I want it restored.

TOOMEY: Yeah. Well

GLENN: Do you think a restoration is coming or a remaking is coming?

TOOMEY: Well, I think this administration is trying to transform America into essentially a European style welfare state. I think I don't think they really believe in American exceptionalism. I don't think they believe that the highest political priority ought to be personal freedom. I think they have got a very aggressive effort underway to remake America. Yeah, no, I'm in the camp that we need to restore the freedoms that made us the greatest nation in the history of the world. This is the fundamental battle that's going to take place in Washington. This is why I'm running, Glenn, because the fact is Arlen Specter is more than happy to advance this agenda. In fact, he told President Obama, "I support your agenda, I'm a loyal Democrat," and frankly I think we need some serious opposition to that agenda.

GLENN: How's your fundraising going?

TOOMEY: Well, it started off somewhere between excellent and outstanding and then Senator Specter did his little switcheroo and it just went through the roof. We're having trouble keeping track and keeping up with not keeping track but just keeping up with

GLENN: I was going to say that's really not a good thing, you might want

TOOMEY: No, keeping track, Glenn. But just keeping up, keeping up. Hey, ToomeyforSenate.com. I'd love to have your listeners help us bass this is a battle to restore our freedoms against a very dangerous onslaught.

GLENN: Let me ask you this because I just did a rant on Chris Dodd. He's oh, I've got 30 seconds? I just did a rant on Chris Dodd. He's getting I think a half a million dollars now in fundraising money from out of the state and, like, $4,000 in state.

TOOMEY: Right.

GLENN: What role do out of state people play? I mean, I think that makes you not a slave to the people that you're supposed to represent in Pennsylvania.

TOOMEY: Well, my I'm getting contributions all over Pennsylvania. I imagine that's where most of the money's coming from, but certainly there are a lot of contributions coming in from outside of Pennsylvania. And Glenn, my view on this is everybody has every right to want to support a candidate they believe in, and it might be if you are from Massachusetts and you believe in limited government and personal freedom, well, you're out of luck, you know? But you can help a candidate

GLENN: Well, yes.

TOOMEY: But you can help a candidate in Pennsylvania who will st ill have the same number of votes in the U.S. Senate and so I welcome that support from anywhere in the country.

GLENN: Okay. Pat Toomey, thank you very much, we'll talk again. Thank you very much.

TOOMEY: Thank you.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.