Glenn Beck: GORE will make billions off Cap n Trade


  Green Hell


By Steve Milloy

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GLENN: Steve Milloy is with us now. Steve Milloy is the guy who wrote Green Hell, and he says that Al Gore has lied to the House energy subcommittee. The reason why we bring this up is there is the global warming bill that is happening in Washington and I mean, you just know all of this stuff is going to happen anyway, you just know it's going to go through. We haven't had a real debate on anything in this country and he says that he's been lying in the House energy subcommittee. Steve, welcome to the program. What was he lying?

MILLOY: Hey, Glenn. What he's lying about is financial interest in cap and trade. You know, when he testified in the Senate in January, no one asked him about his financial interest in cap and trade. When he testified in the House in April, Marsha Blackburn from Tennessee and Steve Scalise from Louisiana tried to ask him, but he deflected both questions to Marsha Blackburn. He denied that he had a financial interest in cap and trade and that if he ever did make any money, he was going to give it away. To Steve Scalise, he pretended like he had never heard of Goldman Sachs even though he has business dealings with Goldman Sachs. And just yesterday we've learned that Al Gore's firm has invested $6 million in a software company that's going to make cap and trade software, software to help companies keep track of their greenhouse gas emissions, and the CEO of this company says if cap and trade goes through, this software is going to go from a $2 1/2 billion market to a $25 million market. So Al Gore is investing millions to make billions at our expense.

GLENN: Okay, now wait a minute. He says that every dollar that he's made and every dollar that he's going to make on any of these investments is going to go right back to

MILLOY: Yes.

GLENN: advertising and, you know, having little children plant trees, et cetera, et cetera.

MILLOY: Yeah. Well, I mean, I don't know why anyone would believe that. I don't know that it's true. If that's true, Al Gore should open his books. I mean, I know that he's invested personally $35 million in a variety of climate related investments and I don't think that was true at all. The problem was Marsha Blackburn didn't know enough to follow up with Al Gore, which is commonly the case in congress.

GLENN: What is the problem? Let me play devil's advocate. What is the problem with somebody? For instance, you know, I talk about our financial situation. We're going to be hit with an out of control dollar soon, and I talk about different things and say, you know, I'm personally, if that would happen, I'm personally invested in gold. So I would make money. What's the difference between just living, walking the walk and being somebody who is nefarious?

MILLOY: Well, you know, if you want to admit what you're disclose what your interests are, that's fine. Al Gore is lobbying for legislation that is going to radically change the way we live, make Americans poor, make him richer and he's not disclosing it. As a matter of fact, if you ask him a question, he just lies about it.

GLENN: What evidence do you have that he lies about it?

MILLOY: Well, he has made all this money that has been invested in various climate I mean, there's no secret here. It's just that when you put him on the spot in public, he just can't come to admit what's true. I mean, you know, there's public records on this. This has been in Bloomberg. Bloomberg has dug up SEC records where Al Gore has taken $35 million of his own money, money that he has made over the last few years from, you know, Inconvenient Truth and his lectures. You know, he gets paid $175,000 per talk. He has also, you know, on the Google board and Apple board has all this money invested in all these climate related projects and, you know, we're to believe that, you know, all this money is then going to go back into lobbying for something that could happen this year. It's just not plausible.

GLENN: What is the you've looked at the climate bill obviously.

MILLOY: Yes.

GLENN: First of all, what are some of the worst things in it? Is there anything good in it? And what are the odds that it's just going to pass?

MILLOY: Well, I mean, you know, the worst case scenario is that electric utilities are forced to buy these, you know, buy billions of dollars of credits from congress basically from the government, and these cost because they are so immense, they are just going to be passed onto consumers and our electric bills are going to go up from 50% to 100% or more depending on where you live and what fuel is used to produce your electricity. What are the odds in it passing? I'd say the odds are, you know, not unreasonable. I think they are at least 50/50. You've got corporate America in there pushing for this. We talked about this before, General Electric, all the other U.S. climate action partnership companies, Dow, Alcoa, Goldman Sachs.

GLENN: You know what? Steve, do me a favor.

MILLOY: Yeah.

GLENN: Explain why these companies I mean, I know why General Electric would.

MILLOY: Right.

GLENN: General Electric is going to make just a ton of money because they make this, you know, they make the green, the windmills and the turbines and everything else. But tell me why other companies want it.

MILLOY: Well, Goldman Sachs, for example, owns the exchanges where carbon credits would be traded, okay? So they stand to be the broker for all these trades and, you know, make a piece, make some money off every transaction. You go to companies like Dow, Alcoa and DuPont, they want congress to basically give them money for reducing their CO2 emissions over the last 20 years as they move their operations offshore. So, you know, General Electric makes windmills. You know, you've got the solar and wind industry, and they have obvious interests. And then now you also have other energy companies in there. Everyone's trying to cut the best deal they can with Waxman. Waxman's giving them free credits, which is essentially giving free money away. So, you know, there's just a whole host of interests in here. The electric utilities are trying to figure out how they can assure their profits and meet congressional demands to become more efficient and sell less electricity, which means consumers will be paying more for electricity. I mean, you know, it is like a highway bill and a farm bill all rolled into one, multiplied by 10, and consumers and taxpayers are going to be stuck paying the bill.

GLENN: Last night I had an interview with a guy on TV and we were talking about how he contends that the media, they love Barack Obama, but at the same time they are afraid of Barack Obama. They don't want to stop taking his press conferences even though it's costing millions of dollars, they don't want to stop taking them because they don't want to piss him off. They don't want to you know what I mean?

MILLOY: Well, absolutely. This is the old story. This is one of the reasons it's hard to get a fair shake on a story from mainstream media because if they start reporting the truth about what's going on, their access is going to be cut off. And this is true not only in Washington D.C., press coverage President Obama but also in the financial press that covers big business. You know, you can't ask a CEO a tough question because you'll never talk to him again. You see this on, you know, CNBC's a great example of this, you know. NBC's personal PR arm. They never ask Jeff Immelt or really any CEO a tough question because they will never get him back on.

GLENN: So what are the odds that it's not just media that is doing that but it's also several businesses that are I mean, you can't tell me, you can't tell me that the Hummer thing was just because it was a losing I mean, it was snatched up by the Chinese, you know, right away.

MILLOY: Yeah.

GLENN: You know that part of the deal was, you get rid of the icon of gas guzzling vehicles.

MILLOY: Yeah.

GLENN: Hummer. What are the odds that a lot of these companies are making bad decisions because they are also afraid, they are also wanting to play ball?

MILLOY: Well, yeah. And Glenn, I think you've highlighted this, you've been a leader in highlighting this. There is this new corpocracy going on there. It's sort of a new fascism where big business is lining up with government. Big business helps government. Government helps big business, and the rest of us are getting the short end of the stick.

GLENN: We're getting the scraps off the table. I saw a story today on the front page of the Drudge Report. By the way, we're talking to Steve Milloy. He is the author of Green Hell. Steve, I saw a link on the front page of the Drudge Report this morning and now the article has been pulled and so you can't find it anywhere.

MILLOY: Yeah.

GLENN: The headline was, when do we begin to jail or execute global deniers. And it was a quote. Do you have any idea what that story was about?

MILLOY: Well, yeah. I mean, the whole you know, the left has really got up in arms against global warming skeptics, you know, people like myself that criticize the science behind global warming and raise questions about, you know, the effectiveness and the purpose of global warming legislation. And they have resorted to all sorts of, you know, nasty slurs, innuenda. Greens have called for climate skeptics to be put on trail. You've got people like James Hansen, the NASA scientist who says that coal company and oil company executives should be accused of crimes against humanity. I mean, they've really gone off the deep end. You know, you can't have debate with these people. They liken us to Holocaust deniers. You know, you spend half your time worried about your safety rather than focusing on the issues.

GLENN: It's truly amazing. Steve, I mean, you know, people say that it's crazy that you would say what you just said a few minutes ago, that we're marching towards some sort of a fascist kind of state. I've been warning, even under George W. Bush, fascism is on the rise, it's corporatism, it is I mean, that is the fundamental building block of fascism. And if you play this out and you think I mean, let's just play this out with General Motors. General Motors gets $50 billion or $100 billion. We make this huge investment. It doesn't turn around, we have to make another $50 billion. Well, then what happens? Instead of losing it, they are going to have to start putting other restrictions on other cars coming from outside the United States, you know? I mean, it just spirals.

MILLOY: Right. They are going to have to lean on Ford Motor. You know, I mean, it's going to be pressure on Ford to conform to whatever GM's doing. You know, if they can't get you, if they can't get a business directly, you know, there's a million other ways they could do it. They could do it through the EPA, they can do it through the justice department antitrust, they can do it through the Federal Trade Commission. You know, this is really bad when we have, you know, the people with the power, the federal government, hook up with the people with the money, big business. I mean, the rest of us are really in trouble and unless people, you know, start agitating and, you know, get interested, get worried, get active about this stuff, we're going to be in for a world of trouble.

GLENN: And we're looking, we're looking at a situation that to me, when you look at Barack Obama and this congress, it is never about the thing they say it is. It's always, you know, watch the other hand. What else is going on here behind the scenes? For instance, the EPA. There's other things they are doing that are just going to usher crippling prices on gas or coal or anything else. It's not what everybody is watching.

MILLOY: No, that's right. Global warming regulation is not about the environment. There's nothing you know, its purpose, because global warming results in government control of our energy, really results in government control of our economy and what the greens and what the left and what President Obama really want to have is control. They are not going to stop using coal, they are not going to stop using gasoline. What they want is control and, you know, if they have the arbitrary power to exercise their anyone I don't know over anybody, they can get whoever they want to do what they want. So, you know, they will get business, they will force business to support them. I mean, we're going to have like, you know, a permanent government. It's going to be like, you know, the situation in totalitarian countries where you have elections where 90% of the people or 99% of the people vote for the party in power because everybody is scared to do anything else.

GLENN: All right, Steve Milloy, the name it book is Green Hell. We'll talk again. Appreciate it. Bye bye.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

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On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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