Glenn Beck: What Brits think of gov Healthcare


British politician and Member of the European Parliament, representing South East England for the Conservative Party.

GLENN: Daniel Hannan is, I don't know, some muckity muck in a European parliament. He's from ‑‑ I don't know how that whole system works. I just know it's old, you know, and he's one guy in it that I think has made complete sense. Ever since I saw this guy, and I think most of America feels this way, here is a politician I could actually vote for. Here is a politician who seems to be, oh, I don't know, sane or at least honest and will say what he really believes. Daniel Hannan, welcome to the program, sir.

HANNAN: Hi, Glenn, nice to talk to you again.

GLENN: Good to have you here in the United States. Would you consider staying and running for congress?

HANNAN: You know, I love this country. I really do. I like everything about it. I like your Constitution, I like the old way of doing things. But if there's one thing I like even more, it's my country and what I really want to do is stick around and work to bring back your ideas which we exploited to you in your revolution and repatriate them and try and improve the situation in the U.K.

GLENN: You exported the ideas of the revolution to us?

HANNAN: Yeah, I was just reading your book here, Glenn. Where do you think that Jefferson and Franklin and all these people got their thinking from, the idea that, you know, governments should be controlled by elected people, that the legislature should be supreme, that you shouldn't raise taxes without permission. They ‑‑ you go back to what they were saying at the time, they thought they were defending their rights as free men. The tragedy is that we in the U.K. have now lost the conception that you should only be allowed to make law through elected people, and I can see some of the same grievances that your colonial leaders laid against George III, I can see them now creeping into your government in Washington.

GLENN: Oh, I have to tell you something. I think that we are seeing ‑‑ the words of the Declaration of Independence come alive again. We have all of these politicians, and I know you and I, we saw each other yesterday. So you and I have already spoken about this a little bit that these politicians are going home and they are being questioned by their voters. And Daniel, I said yesterday to you, I said, you know, what do you think's going to happen. And you said that politicians, they are afraid of, they have got to answer to the people, right?

HANNAN: And there is no dishonor in doing that, you know. Sometimes say, politicians should take a lead, they shouldn't be so populist. My take on this is that a politician who listens to his constituents and tries to act according to what they regard as being in their best interest is a good Democrat and he shouldn't be ashamed of doing that.

GLENN: Okay. So here are some of the things that the politicians are saying now. After the big meetings that they had with people, they are now saying that the people that they are seeing on the streets, the people that they are seeing coming to their town hall meetings are nothing but extremists, they are all politically connected and put together by these organizations and they are all on talking points and that they are dismissing these people. Where does that lead?

HANNAN: Well, if they are right about that, then they will be all right. But if they're wrong about it, then it's going to be they who are dismissed when the next election comes. That's how the system works. And, you know, I have a lot of confidence in the good sense of the American people, you know. This is a freedom‑loving country, a country founded in the ideal of independence, the dispersal of power, the constraint of people in office, and I can't believe that the American people will suffer this encroachment of state power and state coercion in their life. I just don't believe that is compatible with the good sense, the sturdiness, the independence of the American people. And American legislators I'm sure because there are good people, patriotic people in both parties in this country, on both sides of the aisle, I'm sure they want to listen to what their constituents are saying.

GLENN: I know you have to catch a train to go to Washington. Do you have any more time?

HANNAN: I reckon we've got time for one or two more questions.

GLENN: I'd like to know, the healthcare system, they are saying that this is going to save us money, that this is going to be better healthcare system. You know, Chris Dodd, God forbid, you know, nobody wishes anything to happen to anyone or anyone to get ill and even though I disagree with this guy, you know, I wish him the best. But here he is pushing for healthcare, the kind of healthcare that you have in your country where I'm trying to remember the number. I think it's 75% of those men who get prostate cancer in your country live.

HANNAN: Five years, yeah, five years later you've got a one in four chance of being dead from the moment of diagnosis.

GLENN: Five years ‑‑

HANNAN: Whereas in the U.S. you've got a zero percent of having died five years, if the condition was good.

GLENN: Canada is already, I heard a story on Fox and Friends this morning where somebody who had to come into the United States, Canada said, you know, there's nothing we can do for you; your cancer is too far gone. He came down here and he got the radiated pellets and he's fine.

HANNAN: There you go. I mean, if your health system was that bad, why is the whole world knocking at the door to try and get in and use it. Look, I don't think the U.S. healthcare system is perfect, right, because nothing is perfect in this life. And it's not for us to create perfection. But you can improve your system without junking the essence of it which is that you get to choose as a consumer. You get to choose a doctor, you get to choose the specialists. And if you are unsatisfied, you can go for better treatment elsewhere. And that's what is missing in the British system or in any state‑run system. You basically have to put up with whatever you're given.

GLENN: We have the AARP, which is the association for retired people. They are supposed to be the guardians of the elderly. This special interest group has just thrown their hat in the ring with universal healthcare. I have never, ever read anything other than not good for the elderly if you are in universal healthcare. Why would they do that? Is there anything that shows you, anywhere in Europe that healthcare gets better for the elderly if you are in universal programs?

HANNAN: The opposite is true. First of all I'm slight ‑‑ I'm going to slightly convolute the use of the word universal. I mean, I haven't ‑‑ I've been here a few days now and I haven't seen anybody kind of dragging their broken leg behind them down the street because they are not getting treated. So you already have universal healthcare in the sense that if you are in need of treatment, you get it, right? But no, I mean, if you look at our system, they probably reflect the values of society to some extent when I say this, but this isn't really an excuse for it. It is very good at treating children. They will make a real effort if your child is sick. They will move whatever machinery they can to get you the treatment you need. But elderly people, you know, Glenn, I could tell you horror stories of people that are left without being fed, left without having their beds changed, you know, and it's the worst situation to find yourself in because there's nothing you can do about it. You've got no opportunity for redress as the user of the system. The whole NHS is based around the idea that you are a supplicant, you are meant to be grateful for anything you get, you are meant to smile and say thank you, doctor, and if you are dissatisfied, that's too bad.

GLENN: Daniel Hannan, I hope that the next time we speak, this will be dead and buried, if you will, and we will have come to our senses.

HANNAN: I have ‑‑ like I say, I repose a huge amount of confidence in the instincts of the American people and I just can't believe that they will suffer the minutian of their freedom.

GLENN: I tell you, I feel the same way but I think most Americans are wondering if their government is even listening to them at this point.

HANNAN: Well, the great thing about your system, the great thing about any representative democracy is that if the government doesn't listen, you good he the to change it.

GLENN: Thank you very much, I appreciate it, Daniel Hannan.

HANNAN: Thanks, Glenn.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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