Glenn talks with Scott Baker of Breitbart TV




Scott Baker from Breitbart TV

GLENN: All right. So Scott, help me out on, we talked about Scott is from Breitbart TV. Help me out on exactly what you're looking at and take us through the path as easily as you can here.

BAKER: Absolutely. Let's go back to the beginning.

GLENN: Okay. We were looking

BAKER: In the beginning.

GLENN: And the reason we were starting this conversation is because of Van Jones. How did this guy get into office? How did Valerie Jarrett, she said she had been following. Is she a radical? Who is Valerie Jarrett in the White House?

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: What is her connection to all of this?

BAKER: I think we all started to think is this guy just a goof ball, you know, but I really paid attention to the words that Charles Krauthammer said a week ago on Fox News. He said this Van Jones debacle is a reflection of the boss, and the boss' radical relationships over decades. And, you know, you say how did this guy become, using Krauthammer's words, perfectly mainstream to them. Because clearly, I mean, if you are out there and you're saying, you know, I believe Bush may have helped create 9/11, there are radicals.

GLENN: Right. But these guys, these guys don't think that they are I think they were shocked. What? He's fine. I mean, you see it from the lefty blogs and the Huffington Post. You see it from the Center of American Progress. They immediately embraced him like, come on, man, come in, the water's fine.

BAKER: I think Chuck Todd over at MSNBC last night said we didn't cover this because it really wasn't important. He was number 600 down the list of importance.

GLENN: Not true.

BAKER: And do you know why the New York Times didn't cover it?

GLENN: No, I didn't.

BAKER: They actually wrote about it in the paper why they didn't cover it. Do you know why?

GLENN: Oh, they were understaffed.

BAKER: Vacations.

GLENN: Vacations, yeah.

BAKER: They were understaffed because of vacations.

GLENN: Unbelievable.

BAKER: So when I

GLENN: Talk about understaffed, how about your staff and my staff?

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: All of us, there's a few of us that are trying to carry the water for the entire media. But anyway.

BAKER: Anyway, you know, Liz and I are just two people at Breitbart TV, you know, we've done 22,000 hand selected video posts in two years that have done over 100 million hits.

GLENN: Have you really?

BAKER: Yeah.

GLENN: Holy cow.

BAKER: Nothing automated. All, you know, hand done. So here, so this was

GLENN: Can't you get some like El Salvadorian underage children?

BAKER: Now that I know you can do that.

GLENN: I know. There's got to be some organization that can help you. Anyway, let's go on.

BAKER: Right. So anyway and it was research that I was doing but this was a lot, again, research from the people, right?

GLENN: Yeah.

BAKER: Sending stuff to you, sending stuff to me. And we looked at Valerie Jarrett. I knew that she was an important figure. Kind of like one of those Karen Hughes/Karl Rove figures, close to the president but kind of I mean, we hear Karl a lot now.

GLENN: Right.

BAKER: But you really didn't hear Karl interviewed while he was at the White House, right? Nor did you hear Karen Hughes. Their fingerprints were over all kinds of things. And so just using her kind of as a case study, we went back and said, I know that she was a lawyer and a businesswoman back in Chicago and had an interest in real estate development. And then you start to realize, well, that wasn't happenstance. She wasn't just, oh, I like buildings. Her grandfather was very important in Chicago housing. In fact, one of the big housing, public housing projects was named after him.

GLENN: Okay. So her grandfather was big into public housing.

BAKER: Yes, exactly. Now, her mother, Barbara Bowman, was very into education, a childhood education expert.

GLENN: Hang on. Listen to this carefully.

BAKER: And she

GLENN: Mom is an education expert.

BAKER: Right. And on all, you know, very progressive causes as you might expect.

GLENN: No, really. Housing, public housing king and education expert mate and have a child.

BAKER: Grandfather and then here's the mother, and she starts this group called the Erikson Institute and which is a childhood, you know, organization, childhood education organization. Now, any good public, you know, service organization needs a board, and so you look. And who was the chairman of the board of the Erikson Institute? Turns out that it was the CEO of Consolidated Edison, big executive kind of like the godfather of Chicago politics.

GLENN: Con Ed.

BAKER: Con Ed, a guy names Thomas Ayers and he was on a lot of boards

GLENN: Hold it, hold it, hold it. The mom who has this giant education idea.

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: She has she starts a foundation run by, what was his name?

BAKER: Thomas Ayers was Thomas Ayers, yeah.

GLENN: Huh. Thomas Ayers. Did he have a child? Did he mate with anybody and have a child?

BAKER: You know, he did actually.

GLENN: Yeah.

BAKER: Had two kids. One of them we don't know that much.

GLENN: Sure. Did any of the children go on to do anything explosive?

BAKER: Let me check. Bill maybe, Bill.

GLENN: Bill Ayers. Wow, okay.

BAKER: Bill was in there, too.

GLENN: Okay. So Valerie Jarrett's mother

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: Starts an organization, and the chair of that is Bill Ayers. Wow.

PAT: Dad, right?

GLENN: Wow.

PAT: Bill Ayers' dad.

BAKER: Yeah, Bill Ayers' dad.

GLENN: Yeah, Bill Ayers' dad.

BAKER: In fact, I went to Wheaton College right outside of Chicago and it was right next to Glen Ellyn, Illinois which is right next to where Thomas Ayers grew up and I just kind of always had thought that Bill Ayers may have been the rebellious kid that ran away from the executive family.

GLENN: Hey, my dad is a big power broker; I want to blow up Pentagon.

BAKER: But dad knows

GLENN: Happens all the time.

BAKER: Yeah, right. In fact, while he is over trying to blow up the Pentagon, dad's running a nuclear reactor. No worries.

GLENN: Sure, sure.

BAKER: Turns out dad's a progressive, too. So the and Valerie Jarrett's father is interesting. James Bowman, a doctor who was working for the U.S. in a program in Iran. In fact, Valerie Jarrett was born in Iran and lived there for the first five years of her life.

GLENN: Hold it. Hold it. I'm sorry. What?

BAKER: Yeah. She was born in Shiraz, Iran, which is a great wine. I don't know

GLENN: Shiraz?

BAKER: Yeah.

GLENN: I believe that's from Australia.

BAKER: Could be, right.

GLENN: I'm only an alcoholic. So what do I know.

BAKER: Look, we would need a separate show to deal with James Bowman.

GLENN: Sure. So wait, wait. Dad, doctor, washing for the government in Iran.

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: She's born in Iran from the mom who is big in education and starts this charity.

BAKER: Or foundation.

GLENN: Foundation that is run by Bill Ayers' father. Got it, okay, okay.

BAKER: And you know what? They call Valerie Jarrett kind of Chicago royalty, right? So in our little construct we're making her the princess.

GLENN: Okay.

BAKER: And we're making Thomas Ayers, let's call him the king. He will be the king.

GLENN: Okay, hang on just a second. Before we I mean, there couldn't have been generations of extremists.

BAKER: That's it. This is all we found. We're done.

GLENN: Okay. Hang on. Somehow or another I feel he's lying. Coming up in just a second.

(OUT 11:42)

GLENN: From WLS in Chicago today, Charlie Gibson was on LS, and he was asked a question about why haven't you covered the ACORN workers caught on tape helping a woman get a house to set up a brothel. Gibson said, quote: I didn't know about the story. It's now been confirmed. Later in the interview Charlie Gibson from ABC, asked if he attended the rally in D.C. this weekend, Gibson said, I was, quote, sailing in Maine over the weekend, end quote.

PAT: Sailing takes me away, too, to where I was

GLENN: No, I believe that was Christopher Cross. It was a bad song from the 1980s but let's not go there.

Okay. So Scott Baker, we have Scott Baker with us. He is from Breitbart TV. Scott, you are trying to piece together this twisted story of how did Barack Obama become who he is. We now have Valerie Jarrett, best friend of Barack Obama, and Michelle Obama.

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: Her mother is somebody who started a foundation all about education.

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: It was run by William Ayers' father.

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: William Ayers, is there any doubt in our mind that Valerie Jarrett and William Ayers know each other, or that Valerie Jarrett is completely clear on who William Ayers is and what he did?

BAKER: Here's something I haven't told you yet.

GLENN: Oh.

BAKER: Recently, like just a couple of years ago Valerie Jarrett's mother served on a board with Bernardine Dohrn. Now, that's another name I'm throwing into the mix here. Do you remember that one? Oh, that's Bill Ayers' wife.

GLENN: That's Bill Ayers' wife.

BAKER: Exactly. She, by the way, is a law professor at Northwestern even though she doesn't have a license to practice law. I don't know how you get that job except oh, wait a minute. Thomas Ayers was the chairman of the board of trustees at Northwestern University.

GLENN: Wow.

BAKER: All connected. Now, here. Let me take it one other step, right? Because you said how far back does it go. Well, what you find first of all, you know, Valerie Jarrett, that's her married name or her she later got divorced and her husband since died. But the Jarrett name came from, well, Vernon Jarrett. Vernon Jarrett's a legendary figure in Chicago, pioneering black journalist, and

GLENN: So he's a good guy.

BAKER: You know, he did he started the National Association of Black Journalists. But when you go way back.

GLENN: Way back.

BAKER: In the Forties when he was writing for the Chicago Defender and he was working with causes that, you know, clearly were if not dominated by active communists, very communist related causes. In fact, he served on committees to help the packing workers. And as we were looking at this and looking at saying, you know, he's writing at the Defender, he's working on this committee. Then we noticed another name there.

GLENN: Oh, boy.

BAKER: And this is where things really started to come together.

GLENN: Oh, boy.

BAKER: Because when you realize that also writing at the Defender, also serving on the committee for the packing workers, in fact on the same subcommittee, the publicity committee was chaired by Vernon Jarrett and one of the members was a guy named Frank Marshall Davis.

PAT: Not mentor Frank.

BAKER: Mentor Frank, yeah, exactly.

GLENN: Wait a minute. I thought he was in the Hawaii.

BAKER: Back when he was in Chicago, he was very active. He's a poet, a writer, a writer of erotic fiction, just a really varied guy.

GLENN: Yeah. Communist, too.

BAKER: Yeah, self admitted pedophile, a group sex fan, a lot of things.

GLENN: Self admitted pedophile?

BAKER: Yeah. And

GLENN: Self admit

PAT: He admitted that?

BAKER: He did. He wrote a book about it and said that the stories were fictionalized but were all based on real encounters that he had.

PAT: Yikes.

BAKER: So now he's off in Hawaii and who shows up but the very young Barack Obama.

GLENN: Hold on just a second. Is it true that Barack Obama's mom was also taken by her grandparents to the Seattle area to go to a school, I believe it was in Bellevue that is, if I'm not mistaken, was known as the Little Red Schoolhouse.

BAKER: Right.

GLENN: In during the McCarthy era, that they moved to the Seattle area to put her into a radicalized communist school. Is that true?

BAKER: That is a very fair assessment. And, in fact, the conclusion I take out of this is generally we can assume that people from the Seattle area are a little bit twisted.

GLENN: Yeah, as being from the Seattle area, yeah, that's absolutely I was the only normal one there.

BAKER: So, yeah. In fact, they

PAT: I don't think that was the allegation really.

GLENN: Really?

PAT: No, I don't think so.

GLENN: No, I no.

BAKER: So they off in Hawaii now. And remember, the poor kid, here's Barack Obama, you know, abandoned by his father, he's been off in Indonesia with his stepfather.

GLENN: Hold on just a second. Didn't Barack Obama's dad leave the family to go to a radical communist run school, college in Manhattan?

BAKER: There yes. In fact, he was the new school, there were offers from both.

GLENN: Yeah. Okay, I'm sorry.

BAKER: And I just, I'm watching your clock. So I want to do two things. We could do a week on this. But the point is

GLENN: Don't shut us down before

BAKER: When you wait, that's Mark Lloyd coming down the hallway.

GLENN: There he is. So anyway.

BAKER: So here's young Barack Obama, and his grandfather, you know, is taking him over to old Frank's house. He writes about this in his book Dreams of my Father. And they shared drinks, they would have the young Barack Obama write dirty limericks.

GLENN: That's what my grandpa used to do.

PAT: Yeah, memories.

GLENN: Sure.

BAKER: And Obama, you know, even notes that later when he's a community organizer, a young politician in Chicago, he would walk the streets and the neighborhoods where Frank Marshall Davis walked. And these are wistful sections of the book.

GLENN: When he comes back to Chicago or comes to Chicago, does he meet with Valerie Jarrett right away? How do they meet?

BAKER: Oh, did I mention Valerie Jarrett helped his fiancé, Barack Obama's fiancé Michelle get her first job working in politics in the mayor's office there? Yeah, she did. So what you see in all of this

PAT: Wow.

BAKER: is that there is a long history and connection. In fact, when you look even at Van Jones, one of the things that we looked at that Pam Key over at Naked Emporer News turned up was that Van Jones spoke in 1998 at a conference in Chicago, was the first Black Radical Congress who Jeremiah Wright was also a speaker.

GLENN: Oh, wow.

BAKER: This was on the University of Chicago Illinois campus where Bill Ayers was teaching.

GLENN: And Barack Obama was teaching, yeah.

BAKER: Well, Obama was at University of Chicago.

GLENN: Oh, I'm sorry.

BAKER: Now, we don't know if Obama attended that event but it was all 2,000 people and they were all community activists. So he mighta, you know, a little bit. But two years four years later he does speak on a panel with Bill Ayers that was moderated by the Black Radical Congress and, you know, at some point if you say I don't want to be Jeff Foxworthy but if you call yourself the Black Radical Congress, if you call yourself a radical, you might be a radical.

GLENN: Well, you might. Who are you why do you hate people that are from Chicago so much? Why do you hate people that are different than you?

BAKER: Listen, I lived in Chicago. I went to college there. I worked in politics there.

GLENN: So you say.

BAKER: Exactly.

GLENN: Send me everything you have on Scott Baker. Send it all to me so I can expose him.

BAKER: Exactly.

GLENN: All right. Thank you very much for lining this out and sincerely thank you both for everything that you've done. You are there are very few people that are really truly on the stories that need to be, and I know how risky it is. And I know how many late nights and how much stuff you have to sort through to be able to get to it with a very small staff. Thank you. You are doing the country a service.

BAKER: Thank you, Glenn.

GLENN: Breitbart TV. Back in a second.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Friday, award-winning investigative reporter John Solomon, a central figure in the impeachment proceedings, explained his newly filed lawsuit, which seeks the records of contact between Ukraine prosecutors and the U.S. Embassy officials in Kiev during the 2016 election.

The records would provide valuable information on what really happened in Ukraine, including what then-Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter were doing with Ukrainian energy company, Burisma Holdings, Solomon explained.

The documents, which the State Department has withheld thus far despite repeated requests for release by Solomon, would likely shed light on the alleged corruption that President Donald Trump requested to be investigated during his phone call with the president of Ukraine last year.

With the help of Southeastern Legal Foundation, Solomon's lawsuit seeks to compel the State Department to release the critical records. Once released, the records are expected to reveal, once and for all, exactly why President Trump wanted to investigate the dealings in Ukraine, and finally expose the side of the story that Democrats are trying to hide in their push for impeachment.

"It's been a one-sided story so far, just like the beginning of the Russia collusion story, right? Everybody was certain on Jan. 9 of 2017 that the Christopher Steele dossier was gospel. And our president was an agent of Russia. Three years later, we learned that all of that turned out to be bunk, " Solomon said.

"The most important thing about politics, and about investigations, is that there are two sides to a story. There are two pieces of evidence. And right now, we've only seen one side of it," he continued. "I think we'll learn a lot about what the intelligence community, what the economic and Treasury Department community was telling the president. And I bet the story was way more complicated than the narrative that [House Intelligence Committee Chairman] Adam Schiff [D-Calif.] has woven so far."

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