Nelson DeMille - The Lion



The Lion


Nelson DeMille

GLENN: One of the greatest fiction writers of our day is Nelson DeMille. He is the author of The Lion, which is on sale now, and I would like to thank Kevin Balfe who runs my publishing division, I'd like to thank him now for releasing the Overton Window just a few days after Nelson DeMille releases his. No, it's good. That's really good. Mr. DeMille, nice to have you here.

DeMILLE: Well, thank you.

GLENN: You bet. I want to talk to you about something because actually we're doing a show, I think next Tuesday, and I'm going to trash your book on next Tuesday once mine comes out. Now I'll tell you, buy his book because it's great but buy it before Tuesday because all of a sudden it's like it goes bad when it sits on the shelf after a week. But you are going to do a show with me next week and we're going to kind of talk about fiction writers and how they can — I mean, it's your job to war game and to take things that are possible and write a story. And, for instance, you wrote a story about — in 2000 about a Libyan terrorist taking an airliner, gassing everybody. After 9/11 they were ready to round you up and say, let's talk about this. Right?

DeMILLE: Yeah. You know, I did a lot of research with the joint terrorist task force here in the city and they said to me — I said, what is the next target in the United States, what is the next target in America for terrorists? And they said, the World Trade Center. And this was in the year 2000. The World Trade Center had been attacked, if we remember, in February 1993 with a truck bomb in the basement. They said, look, they missed and they are going to do it next time. And they said to me — and this is 18 months maybe before it happened — it will be Leer jets full of explosive and gasoline flying into both towers with suicide bombers. That's —

GLENN: You said that to them?

DeMILLE: No, they said this to me. We were sitting in 26 Fed, you know where it is, Glenn, looking at the World Trade Center. It was a year and a half before it happened. They were positive that this was the target because they missed in '93. The bad guys had missed and they knew about the Mideasterners taking flying lessons and they were positive that it was going to be Leer jets full of explosive.

GLENN: Hang on just a second, Nelson. That doesn't help, that doesn't help me at all on the — I mean, I think our government is incompetent and — but I don't think that our government was involved by any stretch of the imagination. But I mean, this shows that they really, they knew specifically.

DeMILLE: Yeah, they knew. It's like anything else. The product is intelligence and here's the product, what are you going to do with it. There was just nobody wanted to use that intelligence. The intelligence people gather it. They don't make policy. And what happened, it was not a shock to me when it happened that morning because I had heard it a year and a half before.

PAT: Wow. Holy cow. And so then, have you ever been called a conspiracy? Because I mean, your job is to piece things together and then write a fictional story on it. But I mean, I do this. You know, this story that I've written for the Overton Window, A — and I'd like to know if this has ever happened to you. As I'm writing it, we had to go back and change things because they were moving at such a rapid pace, they were happening. Have you had that?



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DeMILLE: Yeah. Well, it also happens, and you saw that, when you write a novel and novel can take a year to write and events are starting to overtake the novel. As far as conspiracy, you know, you have to — and as you touched on before, you'd have to think that the government was competent enough to engage in a conspiracy.

GLENN: And then keep it quiet.

DeMILLE: And then keep it quiet.

GLENN: I just don't think that's possible.

DeMILLE: No, but I think there are private people who will and do engage in conspiracies who are maybe a little bit more effective than the government.

GLENN: Which is kind of what your new book, the follow-up here is, The Lion.

DeMILLE: Yeah.

GLENN: It's a guy, and it's weird. We were just talking about this and I said, you know, what are we fighting — what are we doing over in Afghanistan and Iraq? What are we doing? I mean, they are now putting syringes infected with AIDS into these bombs so when we go to find them, they either are infected by hitting the needle or they blow up and now it's infected needles everywhere. And I said, we should get bacon bombs. I mean, you know, you should get a cloven hoof through the head if you are fighting against us. I'm just tired of it. You fight to win or you don't do it at all. And this is really kind of the theory of, one of the characters in this story actually is a wealthy guy and says, let's just go; what are we doing? Right?

DeMILLE: Yeah. I mean, this is — Afghanistan is now the longest war in history as you know and, you know, the war in Iraq is right behind it. And we don't know what we're there for and, you know, I served in Vietnam as you know, Glenn, I served in the same kind of war, this war without end almost. And you say, you know, you want to do your duty. You say, why am I here? Why am I here? I was here in '68. It was already the fifth year of the war. I mean, by that time, I thought, you know, when I got drafted, jeez, the war is going to be over before — and it went on until '73. Why are we there if we're not going to win? You are there to win or you are not there. You have to make that decision.

GLENN: You can't fight these things half ass.

DeMILLE: Right.

GLENN: I mean, I don't understand how people don't get it. Now, in The Lion, the lion comes back and he is going to build a truck bomb.

DeMILLE: Right.

GLENN: And did you — I mean, how many blocks does it — what is it, 25 blocks that it blows up?

DeMILLE: You know, I based this on the Oklahoma City bombing and this is, you know, the regular — I don't want to give the formula away on the air but it's ammonium nitrate and blasting caps and that type of thing. And again when I was doing research and the people at 26 Fed have been pretty forthcoming and anonymously but I said, you know, what's the next thing? And they all said this is — and we all know this. They said a car bomb or a truck bomb in Midtown Manhattan.

GLENN: That's what we had here in Times Square.

DeMILLE: That's what we had here in Times Square. It didn't go off but we're forgetting about it. But had it gone off — and this is illogical because it's a fairly easy thing to do, been done all over the world. Glenn knows it's been done in Baghdad and it's been done in Jerusalem.

GLENN: How big of a bomb do you need for 25 square blocks?

DeMILLE: I had a, gosh, like a 70 foot trailer, tractor trailer. I made the super bomb. This was not the van of the kind that went into the World Trade Center in '93. This was like 40 or 50, 55 gallon drum barrels full of sodium — ammonium nitrate and the soap and the other stuff that they use.

GLENN: Do you believe that that can be done, Nelson?

DeMILLE: Yeah, sure, absolutely it can be done. I mean, it's a fairly simple bomb to make once you have the ingredients. And it would level about 20, 25 blocks. Without giving away my plot, it's planted in lower Manhattan where it's going to cause massive destruction to Wall Street and the whole financial district.

GLENN: What do you think, what do your sources tell you and in your research and everything else, do you think we're headed for another major terrorist? What do you think is the next?

DeMILLE: I don't know about major but, you know, they have been expecting — my sources, a lot of them are retired now because I started doing this research like 12, 13 years ago and some of these people were not totally forthcoming with me and now retired. It's funny, retired people tell you a lot more when they are working inside the organization. They are all saying car bomb. They are all saying — and they have been saying this for years. And so when it happened in Times Square about three weeks ago and the bomb did not go off, again I wasn't shocked. I was — you know, and they are saying why didn't this happen seven or eight years ago. It's not that difficult to do. Are we very lucky or are we very good? I don't know.

GLENN: Have you, have you done any war gaming in your head of the current situation on what this government does or what's going on in the Middle East? I mean, I think the Middle East is being set up. I think Israel is being set up right now.

DeMILLE: Yeah.

GLENN: And I also think the media's doing a great job to set up another Timothy McVeigh. They have been working on that one for about a year. What happens to us, Nelson, if we — I mean, what's happening to us?

DeMILLE: Well, you know, first of all we're not engaged in the war on terror, if you haven't noticed.

GLENN: Yeah.

DeMILLE: I think, you know, a president — and it could have been Bush and, you know, any president — should have had the moral courage to go before congress and say we need a symbolic declaration of war on terrorism. And when we say that and they say, well, there's no country, we can't declare war on — of course you can. It's a symbolic act. You say maybe Bush should have done this. Symbolic declaration from congress, making everybody stand up and be counted.

GLENN: Yeah.

DeMILLE: In saying we declare war on terrorism. And then all the nonsense that we're getting in the mainstream media that this is not really a war on terrorism, you don't have that anymore because congress has stood up. And nobody's asked congress to stand up. Ask them to stand up, they are going to have to stand up and vote one way or the other. Are we at war; are we not at war.

GLENN: Yeah. Otherwise they just, they can play it any way they want.

DeMILLE: Exactly.

GLENN: They can be for it and against it, then for it and against it on the polls.

DeMILLE: Right.

GLENN: It's a nightmare. All right. The name of the book is The Lion, Nelson DeMille. Buy it quickly this week. Buy all of the copies this week because then there's another book coming out on Tuesday and Nelson's going to crush us. Nelson DeMille, The Lion, available in bookstores everywhere.

[NOTE: Transcript may have been edited to enhance readability - audio archive includes full segment as it was originally aired]

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

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On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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