Glenn Beck: Pelosi's #1 target

Congressman Michele Bachmann

Related: Tour of the US Capitol with David Barton and Representative Michele Bachmann

GLENN: Michele Bachmann is with us, one of the good guys in congress. Hello, congressman. How are you?

BACHMANN: Hey, it is great to talk with you, Glenn. I'm right here looking at our nation's capitol right now.

GLENN: I am sorry for that. Michele, first of all, let me ask you, how is the race going? It kills me. Harry Reid is still in the race and how far is he down. But you are up by nine points, and I actually saw a headline yesterday, Michele Bachmann, only up by nine points in Minnesota. In Minnesota, for the love of Pete!

BACHMANN: Al Franken country.

GLENN: Jeez.

BACHMANN: Let me tell you.

GLENN: Have you done a prison outreach at all yet?

BACHMANN: That's right, a prison outreach. Because we had 341 felons that had voted for Al Franken, that's right.

GLENN: No.

BACHMANN: Well, Speaker Pelosi has made me her number one target for defeat, and she raised almost a million dollars for my opponent just this last quarter. The pro abortion group Emily's List made me their number one target to defeat. So did the radical environmental group League of Conservation Voters. So I mean, they are very serious about making me their number one piñata to take down and they are doing everything they can.

GLENN: Hang on. How's your fundraising going?

BACHMANN: Well, we're keeping up. I mean, we're keeping up, we're keeping pace but we've got to keep on.

GLENN: Give me your web address.

BACHMANN: Oh, sure. It's MicheleBachmann.com. One L in Michele, two Ns, MicheleBachmann.com.

GLENN: How many Bs?

BACHMANN: One. I can't help it I married a guy with a German last name.

GLENN: Michele, MicheleBachmann.com. Michele, this financial regulation is coming through probably tomorrow.



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BACHMANN: Yeah.

GLENN: How much trouble are we in?

BACHMANN: We're in big trouble, Glenn, because it will mean continuous bailouts and only gets worse because now under this bill, the president bypasses congress. They don't have to go through that messy process of getting congress to vote on any more bailouts going forward. The president on his own can give bailouts. And what's worse, the president now has the authority to completely go into a viable private business and take it over. So the government can take over a private business if they, quote, deem it too big to fail. And, of course, these are all vague terms, but it would empower the president for the first time in our history to be able to just walk in and take over a private business.

GLENN: Let me ask you. How much of a stretch is it to think that a company that could be a threat to the economy, because that's how really to deemed to fail is kind of secondarily expressed in this bill, a threat to the economy, would be NewsCorp. I mean, why couldn't the president just go in and say, you know what? What you guys are doing, what you guys are saying is hurting the economy, it is bringing things down, you are being, you know, too negative. You could make a million excuses and go in and take over Fox, couldn't you?

BACHMANN: Well, under this law, that would be possible now. Before when you look at the White House walking in and taking over GM, Chrysler, Freddie, Fannie, AIG, the largest insurance company in America, the largest banks in America, CitiBank, Bank of America, they took over the student loan industry. Over 51% of our private economy has already come under either direct ownership or control of the federal government. That's happened, Glenn, in the last 18 to 20 months. It started under President Bush with the $700 billion bailout, but it's rocked up into mach speed under President Obama. It's a very frightening scenario and quite frankly if we can elect constitutional conservatives, a majority of constitutional conservatives this November, what we need to do is have the United States repeal all of that and get out of the federal government owning or controlling private industry. That's the real hidden story of the last 18 to 20 months is the federal government takeover of one private industry after another.

GLENN: Okay. Let me ask you two questions because you say, you know, we've got to have new Republicans, constitutional Republicans, free market thinkers.

BACHMANN: Constitutional conservatives.

GLENN: Yeah.

BACHMANN: To me it doesn't matter. We need constitutional conservatives.

GLENN: Got it.

BACHMANN: That's the majority we need.

GLENN: Constitutional — you know what? You can have constitutional — I'd rather have Penn Jillette in there than most of these other people. Just people who know the Constitution and understand freedom.

BACHMANN: That's right.

GLENN: So help me out with — help me out with this. Tell me, if we have these Democrats being thrown out of office and we have crummy Republicans being thrown out of office, there's a lame duck session.

BACHMANN: Yeah, that's right.

GLENN: You tell me what stops, you tell me what stops these people. Because this is my real fear. They are ramping up civil unrest.

BACHMANN: Yeah.

GLENN: These communists, the Black Panthers and everything else, they are going to ramp this stuff up all the way in October, into November. They are going to be in the polling areas, they are going to have — there's going to be cries of voter fraud from both sides of the aisle. We're not going to trust anything. Then Americans believe in fair play. If indeed these Republicans come in and they are the ones that have said we're going to repeal all of this stuff, the lame duck congress is then going to say, you cheated, you did this, you did that, and they are going to just jam through card check and absolutely everything else. They will also, I think, entangle us in foreign treaties. They will just rubber stamp foreign treaties. The people who believe in America and fair trade — fair play, we have sat through this, we have argued, we have played with the system the right way. If they do that in a lame duck session, it will set the country on fire. Now, you tell me. I think that works to his advantage, but you tell me, Michele, the odds that they won't do a lame duck session like that.

BACHMANN: I think the odds are very high that they will do that session. There's a reason why they are inkling right now, to set the stage and let everybody know what's coming. And I think you will see the biggest ticket items possible, amnesty for illegal aliens, I think you'll see the national energy tax, cap and trade, I think you'll see the card check to pass for the unions, the SEIU people. I think you'll see all of that and more, and huge egregious spending. I heard yesterday on natural resources committee they put $900 million into a bill, 90 times more than what they previously put in to purchase lands in the Western part of the United States, the federal government purchase of more Western land. They are setting themselves up to do all of this, but what can stop them in my opinion, before the election, would be shame, shaming them so that when they have town hall meetings, whether they're senators or members of congress, if your people who are armed with the knowledge go to these town hall meetings or confront them and say to them, will you say publicly that you will not vote for any of these measures in a lame duck session, then they will be put on the record now.

GLENN: Doesn't matter. President Obama was on the record that we wouldn't fund abortions. He signed an executive order. We're funding abortions now!

BACHMANN: Right. And it is a — for the first time in the history of the country. We have never had federal taxpayer funding of abortion before and this is the first time. And you are right, he looked in the camera. But that's one man. Not all of the senators and congressmen are Barack Obama, and shame may work on some of them. And I just think that there's something so beautiful about the honesty and integrity of the American people engaged in our wonderful system that we have here in our constitutional republic and so I just encourage people. That is some leverage that we have right now that when we have personal engagement with our members of congress, get them on record before November that they will not vote for any clandestine deal like a lame duck session. It's the best we've got right now. And then put your chips on November. Work actively to elect constitutional conservatives. With a majority like that, we can at least close the purse strings on President Obama. And you are right about the treaty. This START treaty is a disastrous treaty that would hurt our national security and that's something again President Obama's trying to give away the store and so we've got to make sure that that doesn't happen in the Senate.

GLENN: Michele Bachmann is with us. Michele, I want to switch gears here and stop talking about politics and talk a little bit about 8/28 and an event that I would love to have you at or speak at, but I can't

BACHMANN: Consider it done. I'm there.

GLENN: No, you can be there but I can't have you, I can't have you speak because I don't want this to be viewed as a political partisan kind of thing.

BACHMANN: Well, sure, sure.

GLENN: And you are a politician. I say that with respect for you. I don't mean to smear you with

BACHMANN: I'm a mother. That's what I really am.

GLENN: Smear you with the name politician. But you have donated a tour of the U.S. capitol with David Barton.

BACHMANN: Yes.

GLENN: Do you know when this is? Or is this whenever people want to do that?

BACHMANN: This is at the convenience of the person who's purchasing it.

GLENN: Okay. So you two can go on a tour, and he's an amazing guy.

BACHMANN: He really is.

GLENN: That can tell you stories about the capitol that you just, be mind blowing. But you are also going to take people where in the capitol?

BACHMANN: Well, we will go all through the capitol. I've gone on a David Barton tour of the capitol. There is nothing like it. You can walk through the beautiful marble halls of the capitol, but it won't come to the life, to life with the stories of our founders until you are with David Barton who shares the stories, and he pulls out literally original source documents and reads from those original documents the beautiful words of our founders, of their sacrifice, and their forward looking vision for all of us. And so we'll be going all through the capitol to give a spectacular tour. Both David Barton and myself will be giving this tour, and I'll give my insights and background that I have and my experiences here in the capitol, what we do, where we meet, what goes on. And David, of course, will be giving, like no one else can do other than David Barton, his lifetime of work understanding America's rich heritage of freedom, and he will be sharing that on the tour. It will be — it will be magnificent. I have gone on these tours and I will tell you, it is easy to be prone to despair sometimes working here in Washington D.C., but when I go on a David Barton tour, my heart sings and I'm inspired to continue and go on and continue with my work. So I want your listeners to know this will be one of the most inspiring —

GLENN: It will be.

BACHMANN: — tours of their life.

GLENN: It will be.

BACHMANN: — that they take. It will be a privilege to be on that tour.

GLENN: I will tell you that I have been trying to get down to Washington with David forever to do this tour and to have him show some things to me. He is the most amazing guy.

BACHMANN: He is.

GLENN: And to be able to walk around there with you and David Barton, and I have to let you know whoever wins this bid, I may be riding your coattails if I can free up my schedule that day, whatever day is selected, I want to go on the tour as well because it really is phenomenal.

BACHMANN: It is. It's like nothing you've ever seen before.

GLENN: Okay, Michele, thank you so much. And God bless you and thank you for all the hard work. And thank you for being somebody who is willing to stick their neck out and say the things that have to be said. You are a rare, rare gem in American politics right now, and I support you and God bless you. God bless you. Thanks, Michele.

BACHMANN: Thanks, Glenn. Thanks so much. And I look forward to having you come on that tour if you can make it.

GLENN: Michele Bachmann. By the way, you can bid on that and many of the other auction items. Many of them close on Monday.

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[NOTE: Transcript may have been edited to enhance readability - audio archive includes full segment as it was originally aired]

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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