Glenn Beck: Black Liberation Theology


Ken Blackwell

GLENN: From Radio City in Midtown Manhattan, this is the third most listened to show in all of America. Hello and welcome. We have Ken Blackwell on the phone and I just figured out this morning, Ken Blackwell is the guy -- do you remember when, Stu, when I got Mayor Coleman on and Mayor Coleman was just supposed to come on because I was just going to pass the torch; will somebody watch out for this kid in, what was the name of that school, that horrible school in Ohio. I said, somebody watch over this kid and just trying to get the mayor on. The mayor completely wigged out, said I questioned his manhood and everything else, and I didn't do.

STU: Right. And we've seen this pattern now over and over and over again when we talk about a local issue. They just said, oh, the big bad national guy is coming after me and he must love my opponent.

GLENN: Right. His opponent in the race for governor was Ken Blackwell. And I was linked to Ken. I didn't even know Ken. I had Ken on the show last night. I didn't even piece it together that it's the same Ken Blackwell. He's on today. Ken, how are you, sir?

BLACKWELL: I'm doing just fine. How are you guys doing?

GLENN: Very good.

BLACKWELL: That's well.

GLENN: Did we ever speak before the Mayor Coleman thing?

BLACKWELL: No, we didn't.

GLENN: You didn't set me up on that one? You didn't call me and said, Glenn, make sure you --

BLACKWELL: Absolutely not, just kindred spirit.

GLENN: No offense, Ken, I didn't even know who you were at the time. All right. So Ken, he was a former U.S. ambassador to the UN. He has seen the Black Liberation Theology and black liberation movement happened all around the world and I thought that it would be important for us to understand what it is and how prevalent it is in the African-American community. This is under the advice of Barack Obama as I see it. He says we should look into racism in America. Okay, then let's do that.

Ken, explain what Black Liberation Theology is.

BLACKWELL: Well, first let me put it in an even broader context, Glenn. This is a global movement. It is well over 50 years old. It was manifested, it has been manifested in liberation movements, Marxist insurrections across the globe, most notably in Latin America and in Africa. This is a domestic form of liberation theology, given a African-American vein. Liberation theology is a belief system about liberal agendas. It is socially socialistic and economic policy, it's belief in wealth distribution. The proponents of liberation theology like Reverend Wright says that God commands us to form government that will supervise our economy to create government subsidized jobs under central government planning, guaranteed healthcare and education by having government control both.

GLENN: Where does it say that --

BLACKWELL: It is something that really took root in heavily Catholic countries where Marxists understood that they couldn't uproot the church. So what they tried to do was through the crafting of a theological world view, they tried to coopt Catholicism. And so he began to look at Pope John Paul, II, he dispatched Cardinal Ratzinger who is now Pope Benedict to be a power force to this insurgency of this so-called liberation theology.

GLENN: Where does somebody like Reverend Wright find any of that kind of stuff in scripture? Any idea?

BLACKWELL: Well, you know, they will tell you of Christ's, you know, changed the social order of his time. What happens, what I said last evening on your show was that, you know, they tend to forget that Christ, you know, was the change. He was the transformational force and he didn't come with a Marxist ideology, a collectivist view. I don't know, outside of it being convenient to say that Christ changed the social order of his time. I don't know where they find the biblical roots. But you did something yesterday that I just recommend that you continue to tell people to go over and over again and that is, one, the website address so that they can go to the web page of Trinity United Church of Christ and look on the website and read for themselves the manifesto, the explanation of the doctrine. When you did it yesterday, I got all KINDS of feedback from people saying, man, you ought to just carry a copy of that in your pocket so when anybody questions, you know, your seriousness, you can just take it out and read it.

GLENN: Yeah. The website itself talks about the theology. It talks about the theology of Reverend Wright and of this church and what they base it on, which is -- I can't remember his first name, Cone who has written -- who wrote a book that is based on the Black Liberation Theology and it is -- Reverend Wright says it's inspirational and the basis of his belief and it is absolutely frightening.

Now, I just had an African-American call me a minute ago and say, Glenn, what you don't understand is when the African-American community says that the white man is the problem, what they mean is that white government, that our government is run by whites, but that doesn't make sense to me because Reverend Wright has said that white racism is endemic.

BLACKWELL: Look. Glenn, liberation theology teaches that Jesus Christ came to be a political revolutionary. They teach that biblical phrases such as the Messiah coming to, quote, set the captives free speaks to changing forms of government to aid the downtrodden, not -- they don't speak about this in terms of spiritual freedom through a relationship, an individual relationship with God. Liberation theology has been cited by political insurrectionists and both by leaders of revolution again for the past half century or longer and I think it's a fundamental issue here that must be publicly debated over the airwaves and in our communities and in our churches. The First Amendment in our Bill of Rights ensures that every individual American has the right to worship according to the dictates of his own conscience, and I don't argue with that. I support that. I believe in religious freedom.

But I'll tell you something. Mr. Obama and Reverend Wright, while they have the right to believe whatever they wish about God and his will for them and for us, to paraphrase an old theologian, in America you have the legal right to be theologically wrong and I think that they are theologically wrong. And I think the whole race issue has actually stated -- you know, excuse me, clouded this valid issue and this valid debate on world views. And Barack Obama, who aspires to be our commander-in-chief, our President, our Chief Executive Officer, you know, I think he now has laid out the case for us to ask him how this, these theological underpinnings actually impact the way that he would govern.

GLENN: Well, he would say that he's not -- he doesn't subscribe to the Black Liberation Theology. However, that would be like Mitt Romney saying, I go to the Mormon church but I don't subscribe to the Latter Day Saint theology.

BLACKWELL: Right. And last evening I had the occasion to debate a pastor who was defending Wright's right, you know, to worship according to --

GLENN: He has every right to do that.

BLACKWELL: Right, in his own conscience.

GLENN: Sure.

BLACKWELL: When he was asked, do you believe that liberation theology, you know, is the theological orientation of the majority of black churches, he said no. And he said, I know it's not mine. And so while he does have a right to worship according to the dictates of his conscience, you know, he was pushing back against this notion that this was the dominant world view of the African-American church because I tell you, anybody who thinks it is either doesn't go to -- hasn't experienced a number of African-American churches or they haven't read the doctrine as expressed on the website of Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago.

GLENN: So wait a minute. I don't understand this. Are you saying it is the dominant view? You are saying it's not the dominant view?

BLACKWELL: I'm saying it's not the dominant view.

GLENN: Well, there is a new survey out this morning. Stu, what was that survey, that it is? Maybe it was just phrased that it was much more prevalent than Americans would care to believe, that it is a force in America. So maybe that's -- I'll have to look up that survey again. I thought it was the prevalent view, but --

BLACKWELL: And I'll tell you what happens is, you know, a lot of folks confuse, you know, churches that have a mission toward social justice, clearly folks, that that's the same thing as doctrine of liberation theology. That's just not the case.

GLENN: Okay. Well, there's -- I mean, there's a huge difference and I think it is a fair question. You know, it was a fair question to ask Mitt Romney, not over and over and over again but it was a fair question to ask Mitt Romney: How do the views of your church and what you believe influence you, how do the spiritual advisors of your church, the leaders of your church, what kind of access will they have to you and how will they influence you in decisions. If he indeed is a member of this church, which he is; he went for 20 years; but he says that he doesn't subscribe to this theology, which is the church's and the reverend's theology, it is more than fair to say how does this influence your policies. Because this church is based on policies. It is based on socialism. It is based on the redistribution of wealth. It is "Take it away from the rich white man and give it to others." Correct or not?

BLACKWELL: And put it even in further perspective, if a pacifist was running for President or a person who was a member of a congregation --

GLENN: Quaker.

BLACKWELL: -- of strict passivism.

GLENN: Correct.

BLACKWELL: -- was running for President of the United States, it would be a legitimate question to that person to say will your church doctrine influence your decision making and behavior at the President's and the chief, you know, the commander-in-chief of this nation if you're so elected. And that's a legitimate question. And so I think you're absolutely right. As it relates to how your faith and your theology affect your execution of your constitutional responsibilities, that's a legitimate set of questions.

GLENN: All right. Ken Blackwell, thank you so much. We'll talk to you again.

BLACKWELL: All right. Thanks, Glenn.

GLENN: You bet. Bye-bye.

TRUMP: The twilight hour of socialism has arrived

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The other day, at Florida International University in Miami, facing large American and Venezuelan flags, President Trump gave a rousing speech in Miami, including this line, the "twilight hour of socialism has arrived."

Trump went on to say:

Socialism is about one thing only—power for the ruling class. They want the power to decide who wins and who loses, who's up and who's down…and even who lives and who dies.

He then repeated a phrase that helped define his State of the Union address this year:

America will never be a socialist country.

Fittingly, Fox News posted an article yesterday exposing the overlooked evils of Che dangers of socialism that all too often disappear behind a flashy design on a t-shirt.

  1. Guevara said he killed people without regard to guilt or innocence. In an interview, Guevara said, "in times of excessive tension we cannot proceed weakly. At the Sierra Maestra, we executed many people by firing squad without knowing if they were fully guilty. At times, the Revolution cannot stop to conduct much investigation; it has the obligation to triumph."
  2. Humberto Fontova, author of "Exposing the Real Che Guevara," told Fox that Guevara created system that put gay people in labor camps. "The regime that Che Guevara co-founded is the only one in modern history in the Western Hemisphere to have herded gays into forced labor camps."
  3. Guevara opposed a free press: "In 1959, leftist journalist José Pardo Llada reported that Guevara told him: 'We must eliminate all newspapers; we cannot make a revolution with free press. Newspapers are instruments of the oligarchy.'"
  4. Guevara made racist statements: Guevara went on to write: "the black is indolent and a dreamer; spending his meager wage on frivolity or drink; the European has a tradition of work and saving."

These are just some of the many historical examples of the failure of socialism. President Trump is right. If the frivolities of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Saunders catch on and spread, we could have an unbelievable problem on our hands.

Poor Jussie: His narrative is falling apart completely

Tasia Wells/Getty Images for Espolòn

Here's how the media works now: Find a story that confirms their narrative, run it constantly and relentlessly. When the real story comes out, minimize exposure of the correction. Repeat.

We're seeing this pattern play out over and over again.

RELATED: John Ziegler isn't buying what Jussie Smollett's selling either

Here are some of the knee-jerk reactions that the media had to this Jessie Smollett hoax, from Insider Edition, CNN, E! News, Headline News, CNBC, TMZ, to name a few:


Montage: Watch the Media Uncritically Accept Another Outlandish 'Hate Crime' youtu.be


And those are just the reactions on TV. It was just as bad, at times worse, in print and online. I'll give you one special example, however. Because, you know the situation is bad when TMZ is connecting the dots and seeing through this guy's story:

The sources say there were red flags from the get go. Cops were extremely suspicious when Jussie took them out to the area where he said he was attacked and pointed to an obscure camera saying how happy he was that the attack was on video. Turns out the camera was pointing in the wrong direction. Cops thought it was weird he knew the location of that camera. And there's this. We're told investigators didn't believe the 2 alleged attackers screamed 'This is MAGA country' because 'Not a single Trump supporter watches 'Empire.''

Here's the man himself, in an interview just days after the alleged beating…I'm sorry, the alleged "modern day lynching." Here he is in an interview with ABC News, complaining about people making up stuff:



Strong words, spoken by a man who, allegedly, created the whole narrative to begin with.

This compromise is an abomination

Zach Gibson/Getty Images

Three decades ago, "The Art of the Deal" made Donald Trump a household name. A lot has happened since then. But you can trace many of Trump's actions back to that book.

Art of the Deal:

In the end, you're measured not by how much you undertake but by what you finally accomplish.

People laughed when he announced that he was running for President. And I mean that literally. Remember the 2011 White House Correspondents' Dinner when Obama roasted Trump, viciously, mocking the very idea that Trump could ever be President. Now, he's President.

You can't con people, at least not for long. You can create excitement, you can do wonderful promotion and get all kinds of press, and you can throw in a little hyperbole. But if you don't deliver the goods, people will eventually catch on.

This empire-building is a mark of Trump.

RELATED: 'Arrogant fool' Jim Acosta exposed MSM's dishonest border agenda — again.

The most recent example is the border wall. Yesterday, congress reached a compromise on funding for the border wall. Weeks of tense back-and-forth built up to that moment. At times, it seemed like neither side would budge. Trump stuck to his guns, the government shut down, Trump refused to budge, then, miraculously, the lights came back on again. The result was a compromise. Or at least that's how it appeared.

But really, Trump got what he wanted -- exactly what he wanted. He used the techniques he wrote about in The Art of the Deal:

My style of deal-making is quite simple and straightforward. I aim very high, and then I just keep pushing and pushing and pushing to get what I'm after.

From the start, he demanded $5.7 billion for construction of a border wall. It was a months' long tug-of-war that eventually resulted in yesterday's legislation, which would dedicate $1.4 billion. It would appear that that was what he was after all along. Moments before the vote, he did some last-minute pushing. A national emergency declaration, and suddenly the number is $8 billion.

Art of the Deal:

People think I'm a gambler. I've never gambled in my life. To me, a gambler is someone who plays slot machines. I prefer to own slot machines. It's a very good business being the house.

In a rare show of bipartisanship, Senate passed the legislation 83-16, and the House followed with 300-128. Today, Trump will sign the bill.

It's not even fair to call that a deal, really. A deal is what happens when you go to a car dealership, fully ready to buy a car, and the salesman says the right things. What Trump did is more like a car dealer selling an entire row of cars to someone who doesn't even have a licence. When Trump started, Democrats wouldn't even consider a wall, let alone pay for it.

Art of the Deal:

The final key to the way I promote is bravado. I play to people's fantasies. People may not always think big themselves, but they can still get very excited by those who do. That's why a little hyperbole never hurts. People want to believe that something is the biggest and the greatest and the most spectacular. I call it truthful hyperbole. It's an innocent form of exaggeration—and a very effective form of promotion.

He started the wall on a chant, "Build the wall!" until he got what he wanted. He maneuvered like Don Draper, selling people something that they didn't even know they wanted, and convincing them that it is exactly what they've always needed.