Glenn at the NRA


Glenn speaks at the 2008 NRA's Member Banquet...

GLENN:  From Radio City in Midtown Manhattan, third most listened to show in all of America.  Hello, you sick twisted freak.  You know, I was actually at my daughter's prom on -- it was fantastic.  I was at my daughter's prom on Friday so I didn't get to see Mike Huckabee's speech at the NRA convention.  Mike, you really probably should stay away from the gun and presidential candidate jokes.  Just a safety tip, just a safety tip.  But then I went to the NRA, and I was -- I spoke on Saturday night.  Just, what a great crowd.  What a great group of people out of the NRA.  But I run into -- I've been texting Marcus Luttrell because Marcus was supposed to come with me to my daughter's prom.  Now, if you don't know who Marcus Luttrell is, he's the author of Lone Survivor.  He and his Navy SEAL team, there were four of them, they fought off 400 Al-Qaeda members by themselves and he's the lone survivor.  Kind of a tough guy.

I tried to get him on the phone this morning but he's giving a lecture some place.  So he can't tell the story himself, but we'll have him later on to retell the story, but I've been texting him and I couldn't get a hold of him and I'm like, Marcus, come on, man, you've got to help me; my daughter is going out to her prom; I need to scare the living bat crap out of the guy dating her!  And nothing.

So there I am at the NRA and I'm having a conversation with somebody and all of a sudden across the room I see Marcus walk in and he makes eye contact with me.  And then he just puts his head down.  So I make a beeline over to Marcus and I said, where have you been, man?  He said, well, sir, now -- you know, Marcus, if you've ever heard him on the program, he's the most kind, humble, quiet Texan you can imagine.  Agree, Stu?  Is that a great way to -- right?

STU:  Yeah, definitely.

GLENN:  Humble, he's a seal.  He's a Navy SEAL and he's not Jesse Ventura, "I'm going to rip your heart out."  He said, "Well, sir--" I said, "Marcus, where are you?"  He said, "Well, sir, my mama doesn't know this yet, but I've been in jail."  And I said, what?  He said, "Well, I came up to Manhattan.  I was in Manhattan and one thing led to another and I ended up in jail."  I said, "What the -- what did you do?"  "Well, sir, I was just minding my own business."  He said, "There I was," and he stayed at this -- I don't know.  I don't know how to describe it -- hip kind of hotel here in Manhattan where nothing but troublemakers hang out at.  You know the type.  So Marcus is like, "I'm just staying at this hotel and, you know, they have a bar downstairs and so I went down to that bar."  He said, "Have you ever been to that hotel?  That's a weird hotel."  I said, yes.  He said, "So I'm standing there at that -- I'm standing there in the hotel and I decide to go down to the bar."  And he said, "I'm just, I'm wearing my cowboy boots and wearing my jeans and I got a shirt on and back of the shirt is a Texas state flag."  He said, "I'm just standing there at the bar and I'm talking to this woman.  She's very nice.  We're just having a nice conversation and pretty soon a guy comes up and he slaps me on the back.  He pokes me in the back and he said, 'Your murdering President is from the state that you have the flag on.'"  He said, "So I under turned around and I looked at him."  He said, "It was this little scrawny guy, he's wearing a polo shirt, he's got the collar flipped up and wearing some kind of weird tie around his polo shirt."  He said, "He's got skinny jeans and stupid shoes and said he's wearing sunglasses in the bar at night."  He said, "This guy was just pissing me off just looking at him.  To add insult to injury," he said, "I could barely understand him."  Said, "I couldn't understand him.  He was from some place else.  He was a tourist."  And he said, "I just turned to him and I said, 'Yes, sir, that's who the President -- that's where the President is from.'"  Then he turned around.  He said, "I started talking to the girl again.  Pretty soon the guy pokes me in the back again."

Now, when I'm hearing this story, I'm thinking, you're the dumbest SOB on the planet.  You are poking a guy the size of Marcus Luttrell in the back and calling on trouble.

STU:  Yeah, and not to mention that he's wearing a Texas flag.

GLENN:  Yes.

STU:  You're, like, trying to insult him.

GLENN:  Yes.

STU:  Not a good idea.

GLENN:  Yes.  And he pokes him in the back and says, "Are all Texans nothing but murdering thugs?"  Now he's -- now he's not only insulting the President and Texas but he's calling all Texans murdering thugs, and he's saying it to a man who held off 400 Al-Qaeda members single-handedly for two days.  He turned around and he said, "You know what?  There's two things you don't do.  You don't make fun of my mama and you don't make fun of the great State of Texas.  You hear me?"  He said, then I turned around again.  He said, I started talking to this girl.  Third time.  He said the guy was just saying -- he didn't even tell me -- saying some of the worst stuff about Bush, about Texas, about the war, he said, and then he poked him in the back again, third time.  Marcus said, "Glenn, there's really only two ways to get a man's attention and that is to catch him on fire or beat the hell out of him."  I said, you didn't set him on fire, did you?  He said, "No."  He said before he knew it, though, he was outside that bar with mice hands around his neck and I was beating the snot out of him on the sidewalk.  Police came and Marcus was -- so Marcus was in jail.  And I said, you know, Marcus, this story could end a lot of ways.  With you being in jail I could have been very disappointed in you but for some reason a guy with sunglasses at night and a flipped up polo shirt making fun of you, the President and Texas, I'm strangely okay with you beating the snot out of him on the sidewalks in Manhattan.  Was it worth it?  He said, "Well, yes, sir."

STU:  That's fan -- I can tell you this.  It's the absolute best outcome for the guy who was poking him.  The fact that it just ends with Marcus in jail, like, that's the best.

GLENN:  He was dead serious, too.  He was dead serious.  He said, there's really only two ways to get a man's attention.  You either catch him on fire or you beat the snot out of him.  Who will thinks catch him on fire is an option?  (Laughing).  He was at the NRA convention and they were talking about some, you know, .50-caliber sharpshooting rifle and a .50-caliber sharpshooting rifle, that's a big rifle and our military uses it and Marcus has used it, and the president of the company that makes this .50-caliber rifle says, "You know -- "and he sees Marcus there and he was sitting there listening in the audience to the guy.  He said, you know, Marcus Luttrell is here.  He said, Marcus, military uses this weapon.  What do you think of it?  Have you ever used it?  Marcus again:  "Well, sir, yes, I have.  637 -- 1637 yards I shot a man's throat out.  There was not really much left.  So I think it's a good piece of machinery.  Sits down.  There was like, (clearing throat).  Okay, Marcus, those are stories that really you should --

STU:  That's not really dinnertime material.

GLENN:  That's not -- I know the Second Amendment's not about sportsmen and hunting, but the NRA convention is.  You know what I mean?  When they're talking -- when he's up there talking about, "You know this .50-caliber rifle, this is a great, you can get a shot --" I don't think we really need to talk about taking a man's throat out at 1600 yards.  Maybe it's just me.

STU:  It is amazing how pro Second Amendment people come when it's other people fighting for their freedom overseas.  It's amazing how all of a sudden everyone's like, "Oh, yeah, they can have guns, no problem about it when they're defending me."

GLENN:  I would buy a .50-caliber sniper rifle, absolutely.  Sure.

STU:  It will do the job.

GLENN:  It will do the job.  For deer.  It will do the job.  You know what, it was just an incredible weekend, man.  That's the first time I've ever been to the NRA convention and they asked me to speak and I tried out some of the -- I tried out some of the material for the Unelectable speech.  You know our tour, it's politically incorrect.  I hammer the Republicans, I hammer the -- I call McCain, Obama and Hillary Larry, Curly and Mo, the Three Stooges, and went into their policies and hammered all of them and hammered both sides, and there were senators and everybody else sitting in the audience and I don't know.  I don't think it's -- I mean, it's politically incorrect, but I don't -- I think people are so starved for the truth that they'll pretty much go anywhere.  They'll pretty much go anywhere.

STU:  Well, I had to ask you because I actually had a friend who was there and I got an e-mail from them with notes because I wanted notes on your speech hoping, of course, for flubs, trip-ups.

GLENN:  Oh, you know what?  I keep leaving -- because everybody I talk to said that you had e-mailed them or talked to them.  You were looking for -- I mean, you really thought I was going to get up and --

STU:  Well --

GLENN:  I mean, there was one person that came up to me and said, Stu wants verbatim everything you say about Ted Kennedy.  I'm like, I'm not going to make fun of Ted -- he was just rushed to the hospital.

STU:  I just was warning you.  I just wanted to make sure.  Because I mean, you know, Ted Kennedy jokes are fine 99% of the time.

GLENN:  Sure.

STU:  But the day he goes to the hospital.

GLENN:  The day he goes to the hospital, you think that's over the edge, Stu?

STU:  Not really the timing.  I was just reminding you.  This is what he said.  He said your speech included six standing ovations.

GLENN:  Yes.  That it was the biggest crowd they've ever had, the biggest convention they've ever had, the biggest -- it doubled last year's convention, the size-wise.

STU:  Not the convention.  The dinner.

GLENN:  The dinner that I spoke at.

STU:  And at the end they gave you a gun.

GLENN:  They did and it was a little awkward.

STU:  The gun?

GLENN:  They gave me the Charlton Heston rifle, the cold dead hands, that thing.

STU:  Really?

GLENN:  Yeah.  It's beautiful, absolutely beautiful.  They took it away from me right away.  They let me hold it for, like, five minutes.  And they're like, we'll box it and ship it to you.  And I'm like, but I haven't even seen it.  We'll box it and ship it to you.

STU:  Can it take someone's throat out at 1600 yards?

GLENN:  No, no.  I didn't know what to say when they handed -- because they played because they did this big tribute to Charlton Heston, you know, and at the end with his, you know, you take it out of my cold, dead hands.  And then, you know, they give it -- you know, "Here."  And I'm like -- all I could think of is, "They didn't take it out of his cold, dead hands, did they?  I mean, that's not --" I didn't ask but I'm pretty sure they didn't.

STU:  Probably a different one.

GLENN:  I'm pretty sure it's a different one.  What do you say?  You know, I had to walk up to the microphone and say something, cold dead -- you can't say anything.  What do you do?  You stand there with a gun?  I didn't know what to say.

STU:  You can't follow that.

GLENN:  No.  So I just walked up to the microphone with nothing to say and I went, "Thank you.  I'm glad I now have a gun to go varmint hunting with."  I mean, I didn't know what to say.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.