Glenn Beck: Higher gas prices . . . good?


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GLENN: From Radio City in Midtown Manhattan, third most listened to show in all of America. Hello, you sick twisted freak. I want to take you back in a flashback all the way back to April 2006. Gasoline in April 2006, $2.91. It has jumped 33 cents in a single month. That was up from $2.58. That's March of 2006. What was happening in March of 2006? Well, we were in the middle of a heated midterm election. Democrats ready to pounce on the high price of gasoline. Remember Chuck Schumer standing in front of the gas pumps: We need an investigation on price gouging; there's no reason this gas should be this expensive.

Here's what Nancy Pelosi had to say about the cost of gasoline. Quote: With record gas prices, record CEO pay packages, record oil company profits, Speaker Hastert and the majority congress continue to give American people the empty rhetoric rather than join Democrats who are working to lower gas prices now.

This is a very important thing I need you to remember. "Join Democrats who are working to lower gas prices now."

She went on: Democrats have a common sense plan to help bring down the skyrocketing gas prices. Remember, Democrats have a common sense plan to help bring down skyrocketing gas prices, by cracking down on price gouging. Okay, here's what they've done, crackdown on price gouging. I believe it's 11 different studies have shown, now funded by you, the taxpayer and the federal government, 11 different studies have shown there is no price gouging, 11. She wanted to roll back the billions of dollars in taxpayer subsidies, tax breaks and royalty relief given to big oil and big gas companies. She haven't done that, nor should they do that. See Russia. Russia is doing the opposite. It will hurt the industry and cause your gas to go up. Also if you need proof of it, go back to 1978 where we've done it before. It was a huge, huge mistake. Or don't you remember the gas lines. Of course you do. Then she said she wanted to increase the production of alternative fuels. They have done this. It's great. Have you seen the price of corn?

Let me give you an unrelated story. Corn is likely to be rationed and not used as ethanol this summer as the precious crop that feeds the globe suffers record devastation from recent Midwest flooding. It's at an all-time high, $8 a bushel, a four fold hike from the last two seasons. Its jump is the equivalent of seeing $80 crude oil in 2006 hitting $320 a barrel. There may not be enough corn this summer and some areas aren't even going to have any for sale. Producers are considering rationing of corn which would prevent depletion of the already slim corn reserves. We're going to have to start rationing in ethanol, feed and exports. Ethanol is one of the largest uses of corn. It will consume half of the U.S. corn harvest in six years. So they got that one done. Thanks, congress.

Now, according to this campaign promise, remember Democrats are working on lower gas prices right now. Democrats have a common sense plan to help bring down skyrocketing gas prices. According to this campaign promise it would -- the way I read it, it seems that Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats actually want lower gas prices. Granted, the ideas won't get you there, but let's just float the idea that Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats want lower gas prices. Right? Or have they been lying to you the whole time?

Fast-forward June 2008. Oh, look at this. Here we are in the heat of yet another campaign. Gas prices are over $4 a gallon nationwide. Highest ever. Here is what the Democratic nominee for President, Barack Obama, recently said about the out-of-control -- they used Nancy Pelosi's word -- skyrocketing gas prices. He was talking to John Harwood on MSNBC. To answer Harwood's question, if high prices might be a good thing, here's what he said.

SENATOR OBAMA: I have been that we have been slow to move in a better direction when it comes to energy usage, and the President thankfully hasn't had an energy policy. And as a consequence we've been consuming energy as if it's infinite. We now know that our demand is badly outstripping supply, with China and India growing as rapidly as they are.

HARWOOD: So could high prices help us?

SENATOR OBAMA: I think I would have preferred a gradual adjustment. The fact that this is such a shock to American pocket books is not a good thing.

GLENN: Stop just a second. He would have preferred a gradual adjustment. Have you ever heard that campaign promise from anyone in congress, conservative, Democrat, Republican? Have you ever heard anybody say I'd like a gradual raise of gases, besides environmental kooks? Those are the only ones that would say that. He just said, I would have preferred a gradual adjustment. The fact that it's a shock to the American pocketbook is not a good thing. But then listen to what he says.

SENATOR OBAMA: But if we take some steps right now to help people make the adjustment, first of all by putting more money into their pockets but also by encouraging the market to adapt to these new circumstances more quickly, particularly U.S. automakers.

GLENN: Okay, all right. So he wants to put more money in U.S. pockets. Well, how do you do that? Because we're borrowing money left and right. I guess you could cut taxes. But then that would lead me to the front page of the Wall Street Journal today. Obama plans spending boost and possible cuts in business tax. Listen to the most incredible phrase I have ever heard from someone who is probably going to be our next President. This is an American candidate for President. Globalism and technology and automation all hurt the position of the workers. Wait a minute. Technology. Globalization, technology and automation all weaken the position of workers. Quote: A strong government hand is needed to assure the wealth is distributed more equitably.

Sorry? A stronger government hand needs to redistribute wealth? Excuse me? Read the article on the front page of today's Wall Street Journal. So when he says if we take steps right now, by putting more money in people's pocket books, he doesn't mean all people. He means a strong government hand that can more equitably make sure that the wealth is redistributed. Is this sounding like anything about America, the kind of America that you recognize or grew up in?

Now, let me -- just a simpleton here, try to figure out the Democrat policy shift here on gas prices. It has gone from doing whatever it takes to lower gas prices in 2006, we're going to do all of these things to lower gas prices in 2006, and it has morphed into I'd rather have a gradual adjustment in gas prices. Is that right? I mean, I'm not a gas price expert but I am a thinker. I think it's generally a good thing when the price goes down. Call me crazy, call me whacky, just call me a hate monger because you will anyway. But the Democrats don't seem to be worried about the lowering of the price of fuel for Americans. They are worried about making the price increase not happen so quickly. I'm sorry. Is this starting to sound like France to you, without alternative energy, without 80% of your power coming from nuclear power?

Now, I find it curious that Obama wants the U.S. automakers to adapt quickly to the changing prices. Translation: Smart cars and Priuses. But it's more than just that. What we have here is a fundamental belief that high gas prices are not only a good thing but a moral thing. Oh, get out your hymnals, America, because we're about to sing the praises. Amen, love the planet, thank you, Jesus. I only need to have you turn in your hymnals to the editorial page of the New York Times. Amen, brother, preach on. Thomas Friedman's opinion piece: Truth or consequences. I'm going to link it in my e-mail newsletter today. It's free. It's at GlennBeck.com. You can read the whole mind-boggling editorial. It will give you good insight into what the radical leftists like Obama are thinking when they cheer on high gas prices, and here it is.

He's talking about cynical solutions for high gas prices and this is how he describes Chrysler's recent promotion to pay for gas if you buy a car. Yeah, I know it's a crazy capitalist idea. Here it is. Quote: Reckless initiatives like the Chrysler Dodge Jeep offer to subsidize gasoline for three years for people who buy its gas guzzlers are the moral equivalents of tobacco companies offering discounted cigarettes to teenagers. It's the moral equivalent? Really? Hmmm. Well, what does that make the United States government with the subsidies, with the tax breaks? I guess that's a better, more consistent case to stop it. But why wouldn't you just outlaw it? I've never understood that when it comes to cigarettes. Why not just outlaw them? If they're so horrible, why not outlaw instead of making money on a tax. The moral equivalent of giving cigarettes to children. Really?

But the madness doesn't end there. Friedman also suggests a bottom floor, a price of $4 a gallon for gasoline. Remember, our country is not built like Europe. We have been built on cheap fuel. We have been built on cheap energy. Every expert I have talked to says it ain't gonna last long, there's no way you can just keep all of these prices as high as they are for fuel because it affects everything. He says that if the price dips below $4, let's say to $3, the government -- in Friedman's perfect world, and doesn't it sound like one -- would then just tax the difference between $3 and $4. So we would always have $4 a gallon gasoline or higher.

Why? Because, quote: Now that it's $4 a gallon, the government should at least keep it there since it's having the right effect, end quote. That's right, forget what you want. The activist left is getting their way. They hate SUVs. They hate consumption. You can't consume as much with high prices. So they want to keep them there. Perhaps the biggest reason to increase the gas price is taxes. Since everybody seems willing to follow everything the environmentalists say, if we just follow their lead in wanting to increase the gas tax to offset the carbon we pump into the air, it would be an additional 12 cents a gallon for gas in carbon tax alone. Americans burn an average of 160 billion gallons of gasoline every year. That means $20 billion in newfound money. It's free. Just added tax revenue. I mean, just offsetting the cost of global warming. That's all that is.

Obama is becoming the first presidential candidate ever to actually push for higher gas prices. That's how much in step with you he is. Seems like an impossible argument but from a guy who people don't really even listen to. They just like to look at him and go, wow, what a big crowd behind him, you can get away with it. The arguments are starting to come out now. Let me predict that you're going to hear arguments soon. Like the moral argument to giving cigarettes to teenagers, you are going to hear that it's better for the environment to use less gasoline, you'll hear about how wonderful it will be to drive an uncongested roads because you'll only drive when you need to and all the cars will be smaller and people will take mass transit. And don't we all love the bus system?

Just as at one time in our history I thought it was unthinkable for us to have an income tax, just as unthinkable when there was a time that both parties in Washington D.C. would just keep jacking up our taxes, both sides would say, higher taxes, more spending. It was just unthinkable just a few years ago. We are now going to see the unthinkable. We're going to see the age of politicians trying to convince us that higher gas prices is good. Higher gas prices affect your food. It affects everything you buy. But just two years ago Democrats gained power by promising lower gas prices. Clearly not only did that happen but they are actively cheering on higher gas prices now. So the question really I only have for the candidate is, which is it? Higher or lower? And whose hand is it that is going to steer this government to make sure that everybody's paying their fair share, to make sure that the wealth is redistributed equitably.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

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On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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