Glenn Beck: Rare 'R' in Hollywood




An American Carol trailer

GRAMMER: Hi, Glenn, how are you?

GLENN: Very good. I have run into you in the street several times. You are always with your family. I see you on the street all the time.

GRAMMER: Oh, no kidding. Which streets?

GLENN: Which streets? You know, the streets you hang out on. So -- 

GRAMMER: Listen, I've become quite a fan of yours. I think you are doing a hell of a job.

GLENN: Thank you very much.

GRAMMER: Please come up and say hi next time.

GLENN: I will. How are you feeling, first of all.

GRAMMER: I feel great. I had a pretty severe, you know, situation back in May and then I had a little bit of a redo, a do-over in August which ended up putting a pacemaker in me. So that's okay. You know, I mean, it's a little bit of an adjustment but frankly I feel strong and good and I've lost a little weight and I'm not eating salt anymore.

GLENN: Jeez. You know, did you ever think -- when they're starting to tell you about, you know, the food that you can't eat anymore, do you ever think, I don't know.

GRAMMER: You know what, they've really come up with some great, a lot of colorful and rewarding food options. So it's really not horrible.

GLENN: Colorful? What do you mean?

GRAMMER: Colorful and rewarding. Well, you know, I first had -- I had my heart attack on the island of Hawaii. I ended up on Oahu, Queens Medical Center, a really advanced, great facility, especially the intensive care unit. They had prepared their own cookbook because apparently a lot of Hawaiians have heart trouble and I guess it has something to do with their diet and in some cases massive size.

GLENN: You couldn't think of the diet. They are eating fish all the time.

GRAMMER: Yeah, but all that other stuff that goes with it. Until last year it was the Spam-eating capital of the world.



Glenn Beck on Cheers

GLENN: Was it really?

GRAMMER: Yeah, yeah.

GLENN: You live in paradise and you're eating Spam? That kind of stinks.

GRAMMER: You know what, there's just something about it.

GLENN: Kelsey, last night I saw American Carol.

GRAMMER: Oh, you did?

GLENN: You are brilliant in it. I'm trying to remember his name. The lead character, yeah, surprisingly looks so much like his brother but, you know, usually when the brother comes along, you are like, okay, not so good. Really, really good.

GRAMMER: Very funny. Wonderful guy, too. He's got a warmth and a charm and honestly, I mean I really think we've served Michael Malone much better than he would have served us or Michael Moore.

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

GRAMMER: You start to really like the guy. Even for standing up for what he believes in, you know?

GLENN: I thought it -- obviously I thought it was a little too fair quite honestly.

GRAMMER: Maybe that's true.

GLENN: Have you seen the finished piece yet?

GRAMMER: I have only seen a rough cut that had a water mark over the top of it. So, you know, it looked like an illegally distributed thing that, you must show this to no one and blah, blah, blah. It looked like crap on my television.

GLENN: I will tell you this, Kelsey. When I watched it last night, I think there are some real "Laugh out loud" parts, but did you ever think as watching it or doing it that there are parts that, that ain't just -- that's just not funny because it's true.

GRAMMER: Yeah.

GLENN: I mean, a lot of the stuff, you come back as Patton and, you know, he's sitting there with a rat eating pizza which is just hysterical but, you know, you come back as Patton and the stuff that you guys put in there, it's almost, in some ways I want my kids to watch it because it's true.

GRAMMER: Yeah. If it weren't true, it would be funny. But it is and that's the thing. So there are definitely some moments that impact you. Certainly the moment where George Washington says "Dust" took my breath away when I read it even. It was just, oh, my God. But, of course, I don't know how much time you spent there right after the bombing but when the towers went down, I went a couple of times in that first month and it was as devastating as anything I've ever seen in my life and I don't like people feeling the distance that they feel from it and I don't like the complications that the political climate has sort of, you know, heaped on top of it. It's a pretty simple thing. We were blasted big time and that's not something that goes away and it's not -- there's no way to just have it go away without fighting it.

GLENN: You know, I've said it a million times. I went to the towers right after they came down and it's the only thing -- because they were still -- you know, they were still looking for people and then the smoke was billowing. It's the only thing that I've ever done that in some ways I'm glad I saw it because I'll never, ever forget but it's also the thing that I wish I wouldn't have seen. I'll never get that out of my mind. I can still smell it.

GRAMMER: Yeah, me, too.

GLENN: Do you feel that way?

GRAMMER: Me, too, absolutely. No, it's an indelible mark. We cannot allow people to forget about it. And I guess in some ways, to the people who died there as well as the people that gave their lives in trying to help others and what will be I think an eternal vigil at least by Americans that remember. You know how we have to stay vigilant.

GLENN: Do you -- the opening scene where -- you are not in it yet but where the Al-Qaeda members, they are up on a hill and they say -- 

GRAMMER: This is the virtue of the film. We have kept one of our greatest arrows in our quiver, let us say. Because Hollywood definitely has. Is to go after these people with humor. I mean, I constantly think about, you know, Bob Hope, Bing Crosby, like Road to Baghdad, stuff like that.

GLENN: Yeah, yeah.

GRAMMER: We've forgotten that we can do this. I think the greatest weapon against these guys honestly is to make fun of them, is to ridicule them. And what we discover in the American Carol is that this is a bunch of inept idiots who some are clinging to a really warped ideology and the rest are kind of just being dragged along. I love the guys in it. I mean, I love our terrorists and our jihadists.

GLENN: I love the one that's voting. He is in line, he's a terrorist and he's in line. He's like, what are you doing voting, you are not supposed to do this? And he said, I believe that marriage should be between a man and a woman. It's just great. Do you think, are you worried at all about backlash in a couple of ways? First of all, the opening scene where it is Mohammed and everybody stands up and they are like, no, no, no, I mean Hussein, and everybody stands up. Are you worried at all about the -- about political correctness?

GRAMMER: No. The great cover of the movie is that it is a Dave and Zucker movie and they have never been politically correct, nor should they be. I mean, this is the style that David and his brother championed of course but now they have split on the basis of politics and it's just David on his own. But no, no, I mean, you know, he has never, he has never pulled his punches in terms of being politically incorrect and I think that's to his credit.

GLENN: Did you see Sarah Palin last night?

GRAMMER: Yes, I did.

GLENN: Do you mind talking about it a little bit when we come back?

GRAMMER: Don't mind at all.

GLENN: Okay, good. Back with Kelsey Grammer in just a minute and your phone calls. The number's 888-727-BECK. And if you missed any of the show today, a lot of really important stuff on the show today. Please go back and grab it online at GlennBeck.com or you can sign up for our free e-mail newsletter.

Also, I had kind of a running commentary of the debate last night. Stu, can we throw that in the newsletter today, make sure that everybody can see kind of the running commentary that I had on the debate. You'll find it in your newsletter in your e-mail box, free at GlennBeck.com.

(OUT 11:42)

GLENN: 888-727-BECK, 888-727-BECK. Opening this weekend, an American Carol. It's a spoof from Zucker which, the guy, the maker of Airplane and all the rest and it is, they are laugh out loud, mainly when Michael Moore's getting hit in the face by Kelsey Grammer or an have anvil or an oar or et cetera, et cetera better there are laugh out loud parts in this movie. It will make you feel good. It's for conservatives. Boy, it is a vet movie but a lot of parts you are thinking, he I can't, that's exactly how I feel. We're talking to Kelsey Grammer and what did you think of the -- what did you think of the debate last night with Sarah Palin?

GRAMMER: Well, of course, I watched and I am -- you know, I was cautiously optimistic about Sarah Palin and I certainly am blown away by her when she spoke at the convention.

GLENN: She was great.

GRAMMER: I think she could be a formidable politician in the years to come. I think she's got enough time to fully, you know, sort of cocoon herself and emerge as the butterfly that she can be. I am very impressed with her. I thought she held her own against Joe Biden who clearly is, you know, more knowledgeable about a lot of things. But honestly he made a lot of misrepresentations on the partisan scale, so to say.

GLENN: And he may be more knowledgeable but he's wrong on a lot of issues.

GRAMMER: That's what I said. I listened to his diatribe about John McCain's voting record and I said that's not true. There were several that are not true and I hope you guys are doing your job in correcting him. I mean, I know the left has stopped listening to voices like yours and certainly not mine but I think rational Americans do remember. I mean, one of my chief objections to this whole financial crisis thing is that we haven't hung this albatross around the necks of the Democrats. I mean, honestly this is Democrat-inspired policy. There's no question about it. I mean, the Republicans jumped on board and it was certainly popular.

GLENN: Yeah.

GRAMMER: But there were those, especially John McCain, that said, hey, wait a minute, you know, we're in a world of trouble here.

GLENN: Why do you suppose they're not doing that? I mean, they didn't even do it last night. Sarah Palin did not -- she should have said, look, I -- 

GRAMMER: I think John McCain has taken the stance that he's not going to do tit for tat in terms of a political harangue.

GLENN: You don't -- I don't want tit for tat but I do want someone to understand. The media is not uncovering this. The media is not doing it. When Charlie Rangel was in the well of the House lecturing on how important this bill is, I'm thinking, Charlie Rangel? You've got to be kidding me.

GRAMMER: You've got to be kidding me. I mean, it seems absolutely unbelievable. I mean, I listened to Barney Frank and I thought, why aren't we just running this guy out of town.

GLENN: This guy, you know the name, Andrew Fastow.

GRAMMER: Yeah.

GLENN: Ken lay?

GRAMMER: Come on, these guys should be going down. Honestly I can't believe, he's one of the biggest recipients from these failed organizations. It's just disingenuous to the extreme and I find it incredible that they stand there and even, you know, just sort of face it out that they're, you know, under scrutiny. But somehow they're ducking that bullet.

GLENN: So let me ask you something because you're an actor. You can act and you can do things and say things that you don't believe and you're like, well, I'm acting, I'm doing a movie, I can sleep at night, right?

GRAMMER: Yeah.

GLENN: How do these people say these things and sleep at night?

GRAMMER: I don't know because honestly, you know, an actor's job is to actually lend a sense of truth to whatever fantasy's been written for him honestly. And actors are terrible liars. I mean, they are really good actors don't know how to lie. They accept, they discover the truth of the character that they are playing, but these guys are charlatans, these guys are hustlers. I find it, it's reprehensible. Honestly the folks from the other side of the aisle, they've got to clean house. They talk about all this integrity and, you know, graft among politicians. They are living, breathing examples of it. It's just been horrifying to me.

GLENN: Where do you think we are as a nation today? If we don't wake up soon, we don't turn our lives around, where do you think we are as nation?

GRAMMER: We're in a crisis of a Civil War basically, just not a shooting one. That's been my feeling for some time now. I was honestly, I said it years ago but I mean, the guy that did anything to really bring us together was Osama Bin Laden and that's a pretty awful situation. And, you know, when people were going down in those planes, and I knew several people on board, they weren't Republicans and Democrats. They were Americans. And I attended several memorials where actually they were used as opportunities to punch George Bush around and I thought, already? This is already happening? I mean, there's a sickness. It's like decay from the inside, and it scares the hell out of me. I mean, otherwise rational, you know, cordial human beings have lost their minds about -- I recently spoke at one of these McCain campaign things and I said simply that in my community it has been impossible since George Bush was elected to have anything but a tortured and dysfunctional conversation. I mean, it's as though we stand in completely different worlds and that does still make me nervous.

GLENN: But we do. You know, to kind of go off on your Civil War thing, I was, two weekends ago I met with a guy who was I believe the first person to say a global terror network. That was his phrase. And he said this is not -- we're treating this like a police action. This is not. This is a global terror network. And I said to him, I asked him, you know, where are we in our history, where do you think we are. And he said, people don't understand. We're in 1860.

GRAMMER: Oh, yeah. There you go.

GLENN: We've got to have a leader that steps to the plate that says united we stand, divided we fall, and can actually unite us.

GRAMMER: Yeah.

GLENN: Do you think there's a chance that Barack Obama can unite us? Do you think that's possible?

GRAMMER: Well, certainly that's been his rhetoric but, you know, his actions are all, at least the policies will just drive wedges between us. I mean, that's the problem. As soon as you start to criminalize success in this country, you are taking a big jump to the kind of country that I don't believe in and that's going to be very hard. That's going to be very hard to, you know, stuff down most of our throats because I'm all for doing my patriotic duty which has been always when I had a good year, the U.S. Government had a better year. I have never paid less than half my salary to the U.S. I think that's patriotic enough in terms of my donation to the wellbeing of the federal government.

GLENN: Yeah. Kelsey, I would say I -- 

GRAMMER: I do not know if he's the guy. I like the way he talks but I just doubt he has the juice to make it happen. Or even the will to really make it happen. I think that under the veneer we see is the gentleman who really does have very little regard for those of us on the right.

GLENN: I will tell you that I think you are doing your patriotic duty with this movie. As I watched -- 

GRAMMER: That's nicely brought back around.

GLENN: We're running out of time unfortunately. I'd love to talk to you anytime again, but as I was watching it, part of the unfunny part for me was watching me going, where are these movies, where have these movies been. You know, where you love America, where it's okay to say you love America, we're if good guys.

GRAMMER: It's time for that slack a little bit and all of us really have a right to.

GLENN: Kelsey, what a pleasure, sir, and we'll talk again.

GRAMMER: Thanks, Glenn.

GLENN: American Carol opens up this weekend.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.