Caller Drives Glenn to Drink

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GLENN: I've got an Obama supporter on the phone. His name is Stan. He's from Rochester. Hello, Stan, how are you?

CALLER: It's hard to say, you know --

GLENN: No, no. That's not the question. Let's have a decent conversation with each other, Stan. How are you?

CALLER: I'm fine.

GLENN: Thank you for listening and thank you for holding.

CALLER: Okay. Your screener told me to get right to the point. I'm sorry.

GLENN: You are the one caller who actually has done it. I'm sorry for calling you out on that. Go ahead, Stan.

CALLER: Well, I just want to say the right wing is handing this election to Obama and I'll tell you why I think they are.

GLENN: All right.

CALLER: Is we've all done things in our lives that we're ashamed of, you know.

GLENN: Sure. You've hung out --

CALLER: I'm a recovering alcoholic the same as you.

GLENN: Yes, sir.

CALLER: And I'm sure during the time of our disease, we've done things that we're ashamed of.

GLENN: Yeah.

CALLER: We've had associations that we were ashamed of.

GLENN: Yeah.

CALLER: And the electorate is smart and they have all suffered from, you know, exaggerated stories about ourselves. You know, you take a little fact and then exaggerate it into something that's --

GLENN: Okay. Well, let's go through some of these, Stan, because this is a really good thing. I'm an alcoholic, you are an alcoholic, we can relate to doing things and being with people that, you know, we regret now. William Ayers, bombed the Pentagon, unrepentant bomber. It was printed on September 11th in the New York Times that the only thing he wished he could have done more of is bombing, he is sorry he didn't do more.

CALLER: That's an association that Obama's probably sorry for. You know, the same way we associate it with people during our disease that we would be sorry for.

GLENN: Oh, okay. So okay, we can relate. I'm an alcoholic. I don't have any terrorist friends. Are you an alcoholic? Do you have any terrorist friends?

CALLER: I don't know what my friends have done in the past. Like I said during the time --

GLENN: Hang on just a second. But he does know.

CALLER: Well, he doesn't hang out with them anymore.

GLENN: Oh, okay. But he knew at the time, he just said this last week. First it was he didn't know -- I'm sorry. First it was somebody in the neighborhood, then it was somebody that he just kind of knew and then it was, okay, well, I did announce but it wasn't a party for me. It was from somebody else and then everybody denied that. And he said, okay, that was a party for me but I just, I did know but I just thought he -- you know, I thought he was past that bombing part in his life and he was rehabilitated.

CALLER: Well, sure. I mean, you know, I had friends that I hung out with that were in jail for Mafia activities, you know.

GLENN: But you were -- but that's when you were drunk.

CALLER: Well, yeah. But I mean, now that they get out of jail and they are reformed.

GLENN: Okay, I know.

CALLER: And they don't do anything anymore, that's an association.

GLENN: Absolutely. I'm an alcoholic and I did a lot of things when I was drunk that I regret. You are an alcoholic I think is your point and you've done a lot of things when you were drunk that you regret. He was on a board with William Ayers, the terrorist that he knew but thought was repentant is the latest story. And he says that -- you know, but one of the things he did and doesn't regret it starting the UN school. Do you have a problem with the UN school, starting a school based on the principles of the United Nations and not an American school but the UN school?

CALLER: To be honest with you, Glenn, I'm not familiar with the UN school.

GLENN: Let's just say, let's just say that, you know, do you need any more than, it's a school based on the principles and the ideologies of the United Nations, not the United States.

CALLER: I understand you're going into facts, but my point of the call was to say that those are -- the electorate is looking at past associations. We don't have all the facts. We don't know what's in the man's heart, you know?

GLENN: No, you are right, we don't know what's in the man's heart, Stan but, see, here's the difference between you and me as an alcoholic and Barack Obama. You and I were drunk when we were doing things like that and we changed our lives. Now, Barack Obama has not had a pivot point. He has not said he extolls the gentleman who was his mentor and role model, a guy who has a 600-page FBI file. He is a Soviet Communist with a capital C. Frank Marshall Davis, that was his mentor growing up. He doesn't say, oh, well, he was a communist and boy, that was really bad. He just says he was a great man and he learned a lot from him. This man has never said, I had a pivot point. I've been hanging out with socialists and Marxists and communists my whole life and that's what he has been.

CALLER: Didn't William Ayers change his life and become a professor?

GLENN: No. Change his life? Read some of his books that he's currently publishing where he says that juveniles should not be punished or held responsible. He still claims this is back in I think 2003 that he is a communist with a small C which I believe means that he just doesn't shoot people if you disagree with him, anymore.

CALLER: Back to my original point of the call. That's what I'm saying about the electorate. The electorate understands that past relationships --

GLENN: Past relationships mean something, Stan, if you don't have a pivot point.

CALLER: Have you extolled all the people in your past that have --

GLENN: What about -- but I have a pivot point, Frank, and so do you -- or Stan, and so do you.

CALLER: What's your pivot point?

GLENN: My pivot point is sitting at the breakfast table with my children lying to them because I blacked out and I couldn't remember the story that I told them the night before. That was the moment that I said, I can't live this way anymore; I've got to change my life. What was Barack Obama's pivot point? Was it with Jeremiah Wright? We know it was, "Uh-oh, now they've got the tapes and the evidence of it and I better say something." That's when he pivoted. But he never denied the theology of that church. Just Reverend Wright. That was his pivot point on Reverend Wright, not the theology. And the theology is Marxism. He hasn't pivoted on William Ayers, on the things that he did, the things that he taught, the things that he talked about. Nobody has asked him about the communist with a small C. All he has said is, "Oh, well, I thought he was a repentant terrorist." Well, he wasn't, and everybody in his life knew he wasn't. And if you read any of his current works, you'd know that.

But let's just not dwell on William Ayers. Let's dwell on Tony Rezco, the time that he knew that it was bad was when he got caught. That was his pivot point on that one. His pivot point always seems to be when he gets caught. It's not a blanket pivot point, Stan, like an alcoholic's. An alcoholic's pivot point comes when you are down on the ground and you realize you have nothing to lose, except your life, and the only way you can turn your life around is if you change fundamentally. He hasn't changed fundamentally.

CALLER: See, what I'm doing here is I'm an Obama supporter and I'm not attacking McCain's character or his relationships in his past and the years he's been in the Senate.

GLENN: Stan, you need to -- you are going to make me drink. Do you understand -- Stan --

CALLER: Don't pick it up.

GLENN: Done listen to me -- don't give me the alcoholic nonsense. Listen to me, Stan. You don't stop judging -- you said it yourself. We don't know what's in the heart of a man, right?

CALLER: I don't, I don't judge a man by one incident in his life.

GLENN: I'm not judging him on one incident in his life, either. I'm judging him on ten, pretty big ones, Stan, ten! Pretty big ones!

CALLER: What has he done? What has he done?

GLENN: Good Lord, what hasn't he done? The latest one is ACORN. He just gave $800,000 to community outreaches to help him, you know, get out the vote, except that's not what he said. He said that it was $800,000 for lighting, stages and sound. When he got caught lying, then he said, "Okay, oh, no, it was for community outreach," and we find out that $86,000 went to ACORN. They are involved now in voter fraud. Good Lord, man, how much more do you need?

CALLER: Didn't McCain make his speech before ACORN? Didn't he praise them? I seen him --

GLENN: That's not the same as giving a speech, Stan. It's not -- I'm going to hang up on you because I'm going to drink. Jack Daniels, deliver a case of alcohol to me! It's not the same -- Stu, help me. Help me.

STU: The only way I can help you is getting you that Jack Daniels which we're now sending for.

GLENN: Please send me, I -- you know what? I used to drink at least a gallon a week. Send me a gallon. Let's start at the top.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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