Glenn Beck: Will Riots Follow an Obama Loss?



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GLENN: Yes. So tomorrow's the big day. We have the coronation -- the election -- tomorrow where, you know, it's a formality, make it official: Hey, look who's God. And I just thought, you know, I want to put -- I just want to -- maybe it's just me, and you can comment on any of this. You know, anybody who wants to call in and be heard on these things, you go ahead and we'll write it down.

Stu and Dan, chime in on these things. I'd like to know the odds of a riot tomorrow. I think the odds of a riot tomorrow if Obama does not win 100%. Yea or nay?

STU: It's not a very good Vegas odd line there because I don't think there's the other side of that. But yeah.

GLENN: No one's going to take that bet. Of course it's 100%. And if it breaks out in Detroit, they will do hundreds of dollars worth of damage.

STU: Yeah, but you have to ask the people --

DAN: You have to ask the people of Detroit to clear up the answer on the bet. What are they rioting for? There's several reasons to riot in the streets.

STU: Could be a normal Wednesday riot.

GLENN: Hang on a second. First of all, in Detroit they may actually do -- it's like a public service. This might be part of the green corps: Hey, burn down that entire neighborhood, will ya? I mean, and again they would do like, I'm guessing but I mean, the insurance companies would be on the hook for, like, 50, 60 bucks. So you've got that going for you.

Now, odds that there's a riot because he wins.

STU: You mean like we won the championship, now a riot?

GLENN: Yes. Not like Wyoming, you know, is all of a sudden, "What!" I mean, yoo! I mean, all of a sudden they burn Detroit down because he's won.

DAN: There's going to be at least be cars rolled over. I would at least say that.

STU: It has to be, right? I mean, that's --

GLENN: It doesn't have to be. In the world that we're now living in, yes, I suppose the odds are in its favor, but it doesn't have to be. I don't think we've ever had -- has anybody ever rolled a car when the President has ever won before?

STU: I don't know. That's a good question.

GLENN: Could you look that up for me at some point today? I'd like to know.

STU: Definitely, I'll check that out, Glenn.

GLENN: All right. Check back especially, especially in that Hoover administration thing. That was a big one.

DAN: They were pushing cars in the Jimmy Carter one just to get them to the gas stations.

STU: Yeah, and that might start again.

GLENN: Okay, so come on, really. Odds, if he wins, a celebratory riot.

STU: I'm going to say -- I'll go no. I'll say no.

DAN: I'm going to say, yeah, I think so.

GLENN: Do you guys know how to play the odds? Yes and no, that doesn't work. You give me a percentage.

STU: What's supposed to work is that you are supposed to give us odds and then you take it or not take it, Mr. "I've never -- I've gambled one time and I've told a story about it 500 times." I mean, the way you are supposed to say it is --

GLENN: Dan, Dan, do me a favor.

DAN: Yes.

STU: Would you bring a box in for Stu Friday? He is going to need it.

DAN: Sure.

GLENN: You know what, Stu, I just want to help make sure that you get part of that bailout package.

STU: Thank you. I appreciate that.

GLENN: You're welcome. One way or another, I'm going to be paying for it. So --

STU: I'll say 35% chance of riot if Obama wins. I'd say 85% if he loses.

GLENN: If he loses, 100%. 100%.

STU: I thought the game was I was supposed to say a percentage.

GLENN: Is anybody writing this down? I guess I should have said that at the outset. Somebody should write this down. I say 100% of you loses. I agree with you. I'll take a little -- I'll be a little riskier. 40% if he wins. I think you are probably accurate, 25, 30%. But I'll go, oh, what the hell.

STU: So you are saying --

GLENN: What we need is a good riot!

STU: All right. So 100% if he were to lose.

GLENN: If he loses? Do you think, anybody disagree with me?

STU: I said 85%. Do you listen to this show?

GLENN: No, I don't listen to you. I listen to this show. It's fantastic.

STU: You just hear silence when I'm talking? Doesn't seem like --

GLENN: Hello, are we still on the air?

Okay, let's go to the stock market. On Wednesday has everybody cashed out at this point? Is everybody who said, "Holy cow, socialism is right around the corner," have they cashed out. What is -- can you look at a chart of ExxonMobil? Because if ExxonMobil hasn't lost half of its value, oh, it will.

STU: I know it's down quite a bit actually. Let's see if I can get a stock quote here.

GLENN: Look that -- who's the biggest coal producer in the country? That's got to be -- I mean, coal's going to just take a -- if you are an energy company, bye-bye. So stock market, down -- is it going to be up or down? And is it going to be big in either direction? I'm torn on this one because if you didn't get your money out yet, you're just so stupid that you -- I mean, you know, if you are still, "Well, I don't know, I think Obama, he may not be so bad." I mean, who's running for the exits after he wins?

STU: I think an Obama win has been priced into the stock market already.

GLENN: I think so, too. I think so, too.

STU: I think that's what everyone's expecting at this point.

GLENN: I think it's going to be down but I don't know if it will be big.

STU: On Wednesday? All right. You are going to say down by how much? Just give me a number.

GLENN: I don't even know what big is anymore. I say a couple of hundred points.

STU: 200 points? I'll say up 75 points. And then because that's the whole thing of you sell the news -- what is it? You sell the rumor and buy the news or the reverse, however that works. As you can see, I'm a financial genius. But I think that everyone's already priced that into the market than when he actually gets elected, it will bounce a little bit.

GLENN: Here we go, next one. The year the Democrats actually stop running against George Bush.

STU: Oh, God.

GLENN: I think 20 -- I don't know, you know, 2030. What do you think?

STU: 2030? Yeah, see, I don't think so. I think it's going to have to be -- you've got to figure -- I'm going to say 2204 because in 2204 there's going to be a lot of new issues on the table and I don't know that they are going to be able to quote George Bush.

GLENN: They will still -- you know this economy -- well, let me go back a step. How about the economy? Does the economy magically look better now that Obama is in, according to the media? Are they deemphasizing it or do they just continue to tell the news but now really emphasize how bad George W. Bush was and how this economy is called?

STU: Well, clearly the economy here is going to all of a sudden be magically helped just like it was -- remember in 2004 they ran their whole campaign on George Bush was worse than Herbert Hoover and then we went on to have like three, you know, very good years in the economy. So I think that they will probably start doing that immediately but I just wonder, what is the statute of limitations on George Bush's economic policies? Are they going to be able to -- in 2012, you know, will they still be able to say, look, we just haven't been able to recover from all that evil George Bush stuff?

GLENN: They will. They will continue to run on -- they will run against George W. Bush until the end of the Constitution. So that could be three weeks from now. We're not sure but until this country is over, they will run against George W. Bush.

I don't think the media is going to -- the economy is going to look good. I think all they are going to do is dogpile onto George W. Bush the evil capitalists, the evil Wall Street, the evil bankers, the evil CEOs. That's all they are going to do. And they will continue to say how awful this economy is, where normally it turns around. But this economy's not going to turn around. And when they realize it's not going to turn around -- I mean not going to turn around at least, you know, quickly, when they realize that, they are just going to dogpile on which will make Obama's job seemingly more easy.

Now, next question. Percent of purchase price that is the new sales tax for a firearm.

STU: By when? When is this -- whenever he UPS it?

GLENN: Twelve months. Within 12 months.

STU: What is it now? Do you have any idea?

GLENN: No idea. Joe, can you check that out for me? What is the current sales tax -- federal tax, not sales tax but federal tax on firearms?

STU: I'll go with a full double of it, whatever it is.

GLENN: I'm going to go for three times. If guns are still available.

STU: Right, yeah, that's always the --

GLENN: Number of prisoners in Gitmo released.

STU: 100%. You mean released or just out of Gitmo. Because he's always talking about closing that thing down.

GLENN: Well, released to --

STU: Released to freedom or released to, you know, they go to trial in America and they go through, you know, another -- a different prison, different circumstance?

GLENN: Can you imagine if we're trying, if we try terrorists in our own courtroom?

STU: Yes, I can definitely imagine it. It seems to be our goal.

DAN: They are going to get therapy. The sentence.

STU: Seems the only thing we care more about than main street is the terrorists' feelings of late.

DAN: They had troubled childhoods, you know.

GLENN: The date Obama hits a 30% approval rating.

STU: See, how do you get to a 30% approval rating when you are a Democrat? Is that possible?

GLENN: Oh, it's going to be.

STU: George Bush is between 25 and 35 right now. Now, he has been absolutely viciously attacked for eight years, some of it legitimately for many commentators but some of it completely unfair, that much of it completely unfair. If you are Barack Obama, you are going to get the full-fledged support like a "Pledge of Allegiance" from 90% of the media. How do you ever get that low?

DAN: Even if it did, they are not going to report it. I mean, look at congress now. Democrat-controlled congress is even lower than Bush by far.

GLENN: Here's what I think's going to happen. I think that in -- ten years ago he would hit an all-time low. I mean, congress, the approval rating of congress is at 9%? I bet you it gets down to 6. You have a -- in the old days 100 -- I mean, 10 years ago -- in the old days -- I would have said that he could hit an approval rating of 30, but I don't think that he will. I think Joe Biden is right. I think there is going to be an event and the pendulum is going to stop swinging. I really think these guys will grab the pendulum and making sure it never swings again. It never goes away. You know, I have talked to so many regular people, so many regular people that I swore, if you would have given me and said, you know, Glenn, bet your house on whether that person agrees with some of the stuff that you said, I would have bet my house, no possible way, no way that person agrees with me. I have met so many people just this last weekend that said, "Glenn, I mean, I think we're headed for a Civil War. I just, there's -- I think there's a possibility this guy turns out to be a fascist." And I've talked to Republicans, I've talked to independents, I've talked to Democrats that have said this guy really spooks me. And with the combination of congress, I think they could stop the pendulum. I think that there is a lot of people in this society that their gut says real trouble on the horizon but they think they're alone, and they're not. I just think this warning bell is going off like crazy and, you know, get all spooky, freaky religious with you, I really think that God is awakening his people and I think the opposition force is just as strong. I really do. I think the opposition is just working their own kind of miracles right now and I just think that those people -- you know, I was talking to a family member of mine and I rarely talk to her. I just happened to talk to her this week even. Rarely talk to her and she is one generation removed from the Great Depression. And we were talking about it and she said, "Boy, everything, everything my father, who lived through the Great Depression and was raising kids through the Great Depression, everything my father said to look out for is coming." And she said, "I can't understand your generation." She said, "Your generation, we taught you these things. We passed it on. How is it when these things start to come that you miss it?" I said I don't know, I don't know. She said, "You know, I have found that the people who are spiritually aware right now are the ones most likely to be awake." And I said, I don't know, I've met a lot of people who I think are, you know, real spiritual people, you know, going to church all the time, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah, don't get it. They don't see it, they don't get it. And I don't understand how in a country where freedom, freedom and freedom with religion and capitalism, how people aren't saying, "Well, wait a minute, hang on just a second, I don't want a big heavy state telling me exactly what I can and cannot do."

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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