Glenn Beck: The real Sarah Palin



GLENN: I talked to Sarah Palin before. I don't know Sarah Palin, but I feel as though I do. I've seen Sarah Palin in situations, you know, in the media where she was fearless. She took on the big dogs in her own state. She took on the oil companies. She took on the political machinery and she won. So where was that woman when she was in front of Katie Couric? Let me tell you something. I know, because I've played the game before. When you get on television and everybody is trying to play "Got you," at first you really care and you are so programmed on, "Okay, don't say this, don't say this, don't say this," and you can't be yourself. Well, that's what happened to Sarah Palin. She had a million people around her telling her exactly what she should and shouldn't say. And so she started to question absolutely everything that she, "Okay, wait a minute, I know that fact," but you hesitate. I know this because it's the way I am. You hesitate when you -- I bet you it's the way you are. I bet you if you've ever been at dinner with somebody who you think is really smart, you tend to be a little quieter or you hesitate, "Oh, gee, do I say this" because you just don't want to look stupid. And you know if you sat at that meal and you knew that person was intentionally trying to make you look stupid, it would be even worse. And if you had a bunch of people saying, okay, we really want you to be yourself but just listen, whatever you do, don't do this, don't say that, don't say that, I know you agree with that, but this is what John believes in, you've got to do this, you would never be able to do it. That's what happened to Sarah Palin. She is not who she was presented as and she was so encumbered by the machinery of the political process which she doesn't like. She's against the machinery. That's the problem with Washington is the machinery. Take the machinery away. Remove the machinery between me and the American people. That's what Sarah Palin believes. In my gut I felt that.

Dan's having a phone conversation with somebody and he looks down and he sees a phone number that he doesn't recognize. He looks at the voice mail. It's Sarah Palin. We saved -- Sarah Palin called us a couple of times and you know said, I just really want to -- Sarah Palin called to arrange time on the radio show and then the TV show it was too late because we were off the air at CNN.

DAN: Glenn, you've got to remember, too, that that never -- I mean, usually, you know, when we arrange these guests, you never talk to the actual person until they call in to go on the show.

GLENN: And Dan, correct me if I'm wrong. You don't even talk to those people. A handler calls those people, for those people. I'm the only one. A handler called: Dan, I've got John McCain on. Dan, I've got Mitt Romney on. Then they wait. When they hear me start to introduce, then they hand the phone over to that person and I'm the only one that talks to them.

DAN: So very, very, very rare that we actually, you know, get that type of a call.

GLENN: So here's the phone message that was left by Sarah Palin. Listen.

GOVERNOR PALIN: Hey, Dan, this is Sarah Palin. I wanted to give you a call and just try to hook up with you guys to hopefully get to share a few words with Glenn and I want to give you my husband Todd's phone number. It's area code [BLEEP]. Again Dan it’s Sarah Palin, and calling from the campaign trail. Getting on an airplane here shortly but just dying to talk to Glenn. Maybe the campaign's been too busy to hook up with you guys. So I'll do it myself and hopefully I'll talk to you guys soon. Bye.

GLENN: She picks up the phone and does it herself. Now, is this going rogue? Maybe, maybe not. The next morning I spoke to her off the air. She was getting onto another airplane. Phone rings. Sarah Palin. I said, "Sarah, listen, don't let that machinery trap you. You just keep going." She was in the position, and this is what happens with campaigns. They hire all these experts and they say, do this, don't do this, talk to this person, don't talk to this person. That's what all of these machines do. This woman doesn't do it that way. You wouldn't do it that way. That's the difference. That's the kind of person we need, not the machines. This woman gets it. Instinctively she gets it. I don't believe she was allowed to be anything more than just a stage puppet. I'm not convinced that John McCain actually -- and I have no information on this, just by watching how she was used, her appearance on SNL, everything else. She was boxed. She was boxed in. You watch this woman when it's her campaign. You watch this woman when she's doing it, and you watch how the media has already destroyed her and will in the coming days and then all the way along continue to try to discredit and destroy her. They know she's a threat because she doesn't use the machinery. She doesn't like the machinery. She doesn't want to talk to the machinery. She wants to talk to you. And that's the kind of person we need. We need people like you. We need to change -- this is the fundamental change that we need in America. On the global scale America has been that religious person that maybe goes to church on Christmas or goes to synagogue on Yom Kippur but that's it and yet is the one in the office that you look at and they're yapping about religious stuff and they are trying to preach to everybody about, you know, Jesus saves and everything else or, you know, use Jesus doesn't save or whatever it is, but they are the ones preaching to everybody and you're like, "What a hypocrite." I mean, they are not even living it. But maybe they go to church every Sunday but they are not living it. That's what America has become, and America started to become this in the 1930s -- well, no, I'm sorry. Let me take it back. Around the turn of the century. We started to become this arrogant nation, this nation that wanted to tell everybody starting with the League of Nations exactly what they were going to do. America in many ways was responsible for World War II because we told the rest of the world how they were going to end World War I. We took charge. We jammed it down everybody's throat. Then we went in and we liberated Europe and then we were arrogant enough to say you're going to use our money and we'll stay on the gold standard. But then after that we got off the gold standard and we're still arrogant enough saying, no, no, don't worry about it, we'll never debase the money and we'll be your buyers.

Well, we have been a country that says we believe in freedom and yet for oil we sleep with dictators all around the world. For oil we've done everything. We say we don't believe in torture but it was Bill Clinton that had rendition installed, where we'll have a CIA plane fly into the country, kidnap the person, deliver them to Egypt so Egypt can torture them. We either believe in torture or we don't believe in torture. We believe it's worth doing or we don't. If it's worth doing, don't do rendition. You stand up and say this is what we're doing. We as a nation are the churchgoer that defends their church but doesn't even know their theology anymore! Have you ever met those people? They couldn't tell you what the church actually believes. They are the -- we as a nation have become people that sit here and look and defend our church and say, "Yes, I'm a good whatever" but then they will sit here and say, "Yeah, but I don't believe in any of that stuff." That's the theology of the church! Reverend Wright, the theology is Marxism. "Well, I don't believe any of that stuff." Well, then why are you defending the church? That's the theology. It's -- what is it? A label, a meeting place just to hook up with people and have some drinks and have some laughs? Or do you believe in it? America has become the person that is jamming it down everybody's throat but they don't live it. We need to live it. The other thing is people are the same kind of -- are living it themselves. Conservatives are living it themselves. We say we believe in this, we say we're these people, the GOP has said they're conservatives but they don't even know what that means anymore. They don't even know what the Constitution says.

On Wednesday's TV show, Glenn Beck sat down with radio show host, author, political commentator, and film critic, Michael Medved.

Michael had an interesting prediction for the 2020 election outcome: a brokered convention by the DNC will usher in former First Lady Michelle Obama to run against President Donald Trump.

Watch the video below to hear why he's making this surprising forecast:

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To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

On Thursday's "Glenn Beck Radio Program," BlazeTV's White House correspondent Jon Miller described the current situation in Virginia after Gov. Ralph Northam (D) declared a state of emergency and banned people carrying guns at Capitol Square just days before a pro-Second-Amendment rally scheduled on Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

Jon told Glenn that Gov. Northam and the Virginia Legislature are "trying to deprive the people of their Second Amendment rights" but the citizens of Virginia are "rising up" to defend their constitutional rights.

"I do think this is the flashpoint," Jon said. "They [Virginia lawmakers] are saying, 'You cannot exercise your rights ... and instead of trying to de-escalate the situation, we are putting pressure. We're trying to escalate it and we're trying to enrage the citizenry even more'."

Glenn noted how Gov. Northam initially blamed the threat of violence from Antifa for his decision to ban weapons but quickly changed his narrative to blame "white supremacists" to vilify the people who are standing up for the Second Amendment and the Constitution.

"What he's doing is, he's making all all the law-abiding citizens of Virginia into white supremacists," Glenn said.

"Sadly, that's exactly right," Jon replied. "And I think he knows exactly what he's doing."

Watch the video to catch more of the conversation below:

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To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

Ryan: Trump Louisiana Finale

Photo by Jim Dale

Part One. Part Two. Part Three.

At the end of Trump rallies, I would throw on my Carhartt jacket, sneak out of the press area, then blend in with everyone as they left, filing out through swinging doors.

Often, someone held the door open for me. Just 30 minutes earlier, the same person had most likely had most likely hissed at me for being a journalist. And now they were Sunday smiles and "Oh, yes, thank you, sir" like some redneck concierge.

People flooded out of the arena with the stupidity of a fire drill mishap, desperate to survive.

The air smacked you as soon as you crossed the threshold, back into Louisiana. And the lawn was a wasteland of camping chairs and coolers and shopping bags and to-go containers and soda cans and articles of clothing and even a few tents.

In Monroe, in the dark, the Trump supporters bobbled over mounds of waste like elephants trying to tiptoe. And the trash was as neutral to them as concrete or grass. They plodded over it because it, an object, had somehow gotten in their way.

It did not matter that they were responsible for this wreckage.Out in the sharp-edged moonlight, rally-goers hooted and yapped and boogied and danced, and the bbq food truck was all smoke and paper plates.

They were even more pumped than they had been before the rally, like 6,000 eight year olds who'd been chugging Mountain Dew for hours. Which made Donald Trump the father, the trooper, God of the Underworld, Mr. Elite, Sheriff on high horse, the AR-15 sticker of the family.

Ritualistic mayhem, all at once. And, there in Louisiana, Trump's supporters had gotten a taste of it. They were all so happy. It bordered on rage.

Still, I could not imagine their view of America. Worse, after a day of strange hostilities, I did not care.

My highest priority, my job as a reporter, was to care. To understand them and the world that they inhabit. But I did not give a damn and I never wanted to come back.

Worst of all, I would be back. In less than a week.

Was this how dogs felt on the 4th of July? Hunched in a corner while everyone else gets drunk and launches wailing light into the sky? configurations of blue and red and white.

It was 10:00 p.m. and we'd been traveling since 11:00 a.m., and we still had 5 hours to go and all I wanted was a home, my home, any home, just not here, in the cold sweat of this nowhere. Grey-mangled sky. No evidence of planes or satellites or any proof of modern-day. Just century-old bridges that trains shuffled over one clack at a time.

And casinos, all spangles and neon like the 1960s in Las Vegas. Kitchy and dumb, too tacky for lighthearted gambling. And only in the nicer cities, like Shreveport, which is not nice at all.

And swamp. Black water that rarely shimmered. Inhabited by gadflies and leeches and not one single fish that was pretty.

Full of alligators, and other killing types. The storks gnawing on frogs, the vultures never hungry. The coyotes with nobody to stop them and so much land to themselves. The roaches in the wild, like tiny wildebeests.

Then, the occasional deer carcass on the side of the road, eyes splayed as if distracted, tongue out, relaxed but empty. The diseased willows like skeletons in hairnets. The owls that never quit staring. A million facets of wilderness that would outlive us all.

Because Nature has poise. It thrives and is original.

Because silence is impossible. Even in an anechoic chamber, perfectly soundproofed, you can hear your own heartbeat, steady as a drum. A never-ending war.

I put "Headache" by Grouper on repeat as we glided west. We were deadlocked to asphalt, rubber over tarface.

And I thought about lines from a Rita Dove poem titled "I have been a stranger in a strange land"

He was off cataloging the universe, probably,
pretending he could organize
what was clearly someone else's chaos.

Wasn't that exactly what I was doing? Looking for an impossible answer, examining every single accident, eager for meaning? telling myself, "If it happens and matters the next year, in America, I want to be there, or to know what it means. I owe it to whoever cares to listen."

Humans are collectors and I had gone overboard.

Because maybe this wasn't even my home. These landmarks, what did they mean? Was I obvious here? When I smiled, did I trick them into believing that I felt some vague sense of approval? Or did my expressions betray me?

Out in all that garbage-streaked emptiness — despite the occasional burst of passing halogen — I couldn't tell if everything we encountered was haunted or just old, derelict, broken, useless. One never-ending landfill.

Around those parts, they'd made everything into junk. Homes. Roads. Glass. Nature. Life itself, they made into junk.

I cringed as we passed yet another deer carcass mounded on the side of the road.

As written in Job 35:11,

Who teaches us more than the beasts of the earth and makes us wiser than the birds in the sky?

Nobody. Look at nature and you feel something powerful. Look at an animal, in all of its untamable majesty, and you capture a deep love, all swept up in the power of creation. But, here, all I saw were poor creatures who people had slammed into and kept driving. Driving to where? For what reason? What exactly was so important that they left a trail of dead animals behind them?

So I crossed myself dolorously and said an "Our Father" and recited a stanza from Charles Bukowski's "The Laughing Heart"

you can't beat death but
you can beat death in life, sometimes.
and the more often you learn to do it,
the more light there will be.

Out here, nothing but darkness. Needing some light, by God. Give me something better than a Moon that hides like an underfed coward.

Jade told me about some of the more traumatic things she'd seen while working at the State Fair.

"Bro, they pull roaches out of the iced lemonade jugs and act like nothing happened."

"All right but what about the corn dogs?"

"You do not want to know, little bro."

She looked around in the quiet. "Back in the day, the Louisiana Congress refused to raise the drinking age from 18 to 21," she said. "They didn't want to lose all that drunk gambler money. So the federal government cut off funding to highways."

We glided through moon-pale landscape for an hour before I realized what she had meant. That there weren't any light poles or billboards along the road. Nothing to guide us or distract us. Just us, alone. And it felt like outer space had collapsed, swallowed us like jellybeans.

Like two teenagers playing a prank on the universe.

In the cozy Subaru Crosstrek, in the old wild night, brimming with the uncertainty of life and the nonchalance of failure, we paraded ourselves back to Dallas. Alive in the river silence that follows us everywhere.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Next, the Iowa caucuses. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

The Iowa primary is just around the corner, and concerns of election interference from the last presidential election still loom. Back in 2016, The Associated Press found that a majority of U.S. elections systems still use Windows 7 as an operating system, making them highly susceptible to bugs and errors. And last year, a Mississippi voter tried multiple times to vote for the candidate of his choice, but the system continuously switched his vote to the other candidate. It's pretty clear: America's voting systems desperately need an update.

That's where blockchain voting comes in.

Blockchain voting is a record-keeping system that's 100% verifiable and nearly impossible to hack. Blockchain, the newest innovation in cybersecurity, is set to grow into a $20 billion industry by 2025. Its genius is in its decentralized nature, distributing information throughout a network of computers, requiring would-be hackers to infiltrate a much larger system. Infiltrating multiple access points spread across many computers requires a significant amount of computing power, which often costs more than hackers expect to get in return.

Blockchain voting wouldn't allow for many weak spots. For instance, Voatz, arguably the leading mobile voting platform, requires a person to take a picture of their government-issued ID and a picture of themselves before voting (a feature, of course, not present in vote-by-mail, where the only form of identity verification is a handwritten signature, which is easily forgeable). Voters select their choices and hit submit. They then receive an immediate receipt of their choices via email, another security feature not present in vote-by-mail, or even in-person voting. And because the system operates on blockchain technology, it's nearly impossible to tamper with.

Votes are then tabulated, and the election results are published, providing a paper trail, which is a top priority for elections security experts.

The benefits of blockchain voting can't be dismissed. Folks can cast their vote from the comfort of their homes, offices, etc., vastly increasing the number of people who can participate in the electoral process. Two to three-hour lines at polling places, which often deter voters, would become significantly diminished.

Even outside of the voting increase, the upsides are manifold. Thanks to the photo identification requirements, voter fraud—whether real or merely suspected—would be eliminated. The environment would win, too, since we'd no longer be wasting paper on mail-in ballots. Moreover, the financial burden on election offices would be alleviated, because there's decreased staff time spent on the election, saving the taxpayer money.

From Oregon to West Virginia, elections offices have already implemented blockchain voting, and the results have been highly positive. For example, the city of Denver utilized mobile voting for overseas voters in their 2019 municipal elections. The system was secure and free of technical errors, and participants reported that it was very user-friendly. Utah County used the same system for their 2019 primary and general elections. An independent audit revealed that every vote that was cast on the app was counted and counted correctly. These successful test cases are laying the groundwork for even larger expansions of the program in 2020.

With this vital switch, our elections become significantly more secure, accurate, and efficient. But right now, our election infrastructure is a sitting duck for manipulation. Our current lack of election integrity undermines the results of both local and national elections, fans the flames of partisanship, and zaps voter confidence in the democratic system. While there's never a silver bullet or quick fix to those kinds of things, blockchain voting would push us much closer to a solution than anything else.

Chris Harelson is the Executive Director at Prosperity Council and a Young Voices contributor.