Glenn Beck: Adella the atheist in Orlando

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GLENN: We're going to skip science today because we're going to put God in his rightful place. I know, I know it's against what Barack Obama wants, but there's this great article, The Coming Evangelical Collapse in the Christian Science Monitor. It goes with that religion is under attack in this country and our founders clearly understood without religion, our republic would fail. Now, Adella is in Orlando and she couldn't disagree with me more. Adella, go ahead.

CALLER: Glenn, I'm a patriot. I believe in the Constitution and capitalism.

GLENN: Good.

CALLER: I'm a moral person, but I do not believe in god. And it makes me cringe when you equate American patriotism with a belief in god.

GLENN: No, I didn't say that --

CALLER: At least that's how.

GLENN: Excuse me. Don't put words in my mouth, Adella. That's not what I said. I said our founders believed that without religion our country would fail.

CALLER: Okay. I do not believe in that. I think our country would still continue.

GLENN: Well, okay. Well, that's fine. That makes Adella smarter than Benjamin Franklin, George Washington and Thomas Jefferson.

CALLER: See, that's the thing. I don't understand why what someone said 250 years ago, should we still follow that. I mean, we're progressing, you know. I am a fiscal conservative. I'm a social liberal in other ways.

GLENN: Hang on just a second. Hold on just a second, Adella. I just, I couldn't thank you enough for calling. You don't understand why we're listening to words that came out of some people's mouths 200 years ago because we're progressing. Right?

CALLER: Well, that is my opinion of it.

GLENN: That's your opinion. There is no right opinion. That's just your opinion.

CALLER: Okay, Glenn. Then does that mean that we all have to believe in God because they did?

GLENN: No, no, no. I just want to understand what you're saying because you are saying we're progressing. In other words, what you say is that man progresses, that man evolves and we are more evolved and enlightened than those guys were 250 years ago?

CALLER: No, I think I used the wrong word, "Progressing."

GLENN: I'm sure you did.

CALLER: I don't want to say they did bad. That's not what I'm --

GLENN: I'm not saying that. I'm not saying this was bad. It was just their understanding at this time and we're more evolved.



CALLER: Well, see, that's the thing. I don't know if I used the right word, "Progress."

GLENN: Sure.

CALLER: But what I want to say is --

GLENN: Hang on a second. Why do you hesitate on that word?

CALLER: The word "Progress"?

GLENN: Yeah.

CALLER: Because I don't think religion is a bad thing. You know, people can believe in it. There's nothing wrong with that. I personally don't believe in it.

GLENN: Right. What's the problem with using the word "Progress"?

CALLER: Because I -- well, what the problem is to use the word "Progress"?

GLENN: Yeah.

CALLER: There's nothing wrong with the actual word "Progress." I did not use the right word to say from 200 years ago we're progressing. I did not use the right word but there's nothing wrong with progression. There's nothing wrong with that.

GLENN: Sure. You know who agrees with you 110%, you stated almost verbatim the words of Woodrow Wilson. He's a progressive. And there were lots of Republican progressives back around the turn of the century. It's the people that Hillary Clinton talks about. In fact, Woodrow Wilson said that the Declaration of Independence has no standing whatsoever because we have progressed past that. In fact, he believed the preamble of the Constitution should be completely disregarded because those were different times. And he believed that man continues to progress and what we had back then in the Constitution should not be looked at really anymore. We should look at case law because what happens is people look at the Constitution. Well, that was set up for the 1700s. That was set up, you know, by these guys who are, you know, worried about tea taxes, et cetera, et cetera. And now the world is much more complex and so what we have here is where the law should be and where we are today. So we can just keep moving the law by looking at case law instead of referring back to the old Constitution. So you'll agree with a guy who was very instrumental in the 20th century.

CALLER: Well, I agree with one thing. We have moved away from slavery. I mean, a lot of those founders did have slaves. We moved away from that.

GLENN: Now, did we move away from slavery? I mean, I know that we no longer -- I know we no longer have the chains of slavery, but have we -- are we enslaving people in any other way? Is there only one kind of slavery, Adella?

CALLER: There's welfare dependency I think is slavery.

GLENN: There's what?

CALLER: Welfare dependency.

GLENN: Oh, okay.

CALLER: And I think that is not really relevant to this -- to what I was saying which was that like myself, I am an American patriot, an Iraq war vet and I don't believe that we need God, at least in my life.

GLENN: Adella --

CALLER: In my life.

GLENN: Adella, I'm fine. You don't have to believe in God. But let's not confuse the issue on what you believe and what the founders believed. If you want to restore the Constitution, if you believe in the Constitution, then you're on the wrong path, Adella, and the reason why you're on the wrong path is because you believe in progressive thought. That is the whole concept. That's why they're called progressives. It stemmed from here. It stemmed from evolution, that if man evolves from monkeys, then man also evolves in thought, and government may have been bad in the past but we have evolved from that. And those laws that were -- those laws that the founders had are outdated now. We have progressed from that. We have different thoughts. So we don't have to regard that. I'm not asking for -- you know, what we have now is relative law. We have progressive law. I'm not suggesting that we should stay here. What I'm talking about is restoring the Constitution. So if you want to restore the Constitution and the principles that our founders had, well, then you've got to understand what they believed. And I don't think you do, Adella.

CALLER: I understand what they -- I mean, if they believe in God, that's fine. But there's a lot of us out here who are conservative and who do not have a religious life.

GLENN: That is so amazing. You know what, Adella, you don't have to. You don't have to.

CALLER: Then why do I feel Republicans want to eject me and they only care about me when I vote?

GLENN: That's weird. Because I thought you were Republican.


GLENN: Ah, but somehow or another we reject you. Adella --

CALLER: Oh, no, I'm not saying we. I'm talking about a particular wing. Looks like there's a battle between the Democrats, they have their battles and there's a battle between the Republican Party.

GLENN: You know what, let me give you this and this is what, you know, I hope you were getting from the monologue but obviously -- I would hope others would get. You obviously didn't. It doesn't matter your theology, and there are some that think that have to battle their theology. That is against our founders as well. After our Constitution was signed, our founders got together and Christians and founders and rabbis got together arm in arm and walked down the street of Philadelphia because they were united in one principle and that is God, not theology.

Now, Adella, if you don't have God, these fine. That is fine. But you do have to peg your belief system to something, and let me give you -- where this thought really came from for the founders was Cicero. Read Cicero. Cicero was a Roman and he was one of the first guys and he said, you know, it's nature; you can't change nature. There is some sort of a movable law here. It's nature's law. And when you violate that nature, that natural law, well, you pay a consequence for it. So you just have to understand that there is a law. Whether you like to see it or not, whether you want to call it God or you want to call it something else, whatever, nature doesn't change. There is a system of rules that the universe plays in and you've got to play in those rules, and they are unmovable. You cannot change the laws of nature. Why is that? Well, there are natural laws that apply to man and those natural laws are important. Those natural laws give you the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. They do not give you the right to take those away from anyone. They do not give you the right to interfere with anyone unless they are violating nature's law that gave everybody the same right of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. And that's where religionists get in trouble as well because it has to be a choice. You must choose. Life is all about a choice. No one can take this away. No one can throw you up against the wall and say you've got to believe this. That is also against our founding. Our founders were not those people. They were deeply religious. They believed in God but they didn't believe in forcing anyone to believe in their God. That goes against us. We work together and we don't violate each other's rights and we live in harmony because we choose to do the right thing. We choose to do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

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On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.


Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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