Glenn Beck: White House definition of misinformation



Video: Obama says he wants single-payer  healthcare

GLENN: The White House put out a three-minute video in response to an actual video clip of Barack Obama admitting in 2003 in his own words that he wants to see a single-payer healthcare system. Barack Obama, in his own words, a single-payer healthcare system where private insurance-- how do you get your private insurance? Through your employer? Where private insurance wouldn't be eliminated immediately but over time. Here is what he said unedited.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Universal healthcare, a single-payer healthcare coverage, universal healthcare coverage. That's what I'd like to see, but as all of you know, we may not get there immediately because, first, we got to take back the White House and we got to take back the Senate and we got to take back the--

[APPLAUSE]

GLENN: Okay. So let's see they take back the White House. Did they take back the House? Did they take back the Senate? Yes. It seems like we've checked all the boxes. Does that seem clear to you? Do you understand what he just said? Well, you're wrong. You're wrong. That wasn't clear. You did not hear. Listen to my voice carefully. You did not hear what you just heard.



Video: White House responds

VOICE: Hi, I'm Linda Douglas. I'm the communications director for the White House Office of Health Reform. And one of my jobs is to keep track of all the disinformation that's out there about health insurance reform. There are a lot of very deceiving headlines out there such as this one. Take a look at this one. This one says uncovered video. Obama explains how his healthcare plan will eliminate private insurance. Well, nothing could be farther from the truth. You know, the people who always try to scare people whenever you try to bring them health insurance reform are at it again. And they're taking sentences and phrases out of context and cobbling them together to leave a very false impression. The truth is that the president has been talking to the American people a lot about health insurance reform and what is at stake for them. So what happens is that that because he's talking to the American people so much there are people out there with a computer and a lot of free time and they take a phrase here and there. They simply cherry pick and put it together. And make it sound like he's saying something that he didn't really say.

GLENN: May I just, may I just play what the president said, unedited, one more time. Here he is.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Single-payer healthcare coverage. Universal healthcare coverage. That's what I'd like to see. But as all of you may know, we may not get there immediately because first we've got to take back the White House. We've got to take back the Senate.

[APPLAUSE]

And we've got to take back --

GLENN: I have five minutes of audio over and over again of not only him but his cronies saying exactly the same thing. They are taking down the last thing that you think you can trust. Right now you know you can't trust the House. You know you can't trust the Senate. You know you can't trust anything coming out of the White House. You can't really trust our Supreme Court or our jury system. You can't really trust your two-party system. You can't trust the Republicans to say what they mean and mean what they say. You can't trust the Democrats. Let me ask you something: You can't trust the banks, can you? Can you trust corporations in this country? They are now taking down the very last thing you can trust. And that is your eyes and your ears. Nothing is real. To Linda Douglas, the Minister of Truth. In news-speak no now means yes. Up is now down. War is peace and I'm for single payer healthcare means I am not for single payer healthcare. America, when was the last time you read 1984 by George Orwell? Winston was you. Winston what is two plus two? Four. Wrong answer Winston. He was told by big brother that he who controls the past, he who controls the past controls the future. But our government, our administration, no one in this government would ever try to control or change the past, right?

VOICE: And Barack knows we're going to have to make sacrifices. We're going to have to change our conversation. We're going to have to change our traditions, our history. We're going to have to move into a different place.

GLENN: We're going to have to change our traditions and our history. Here's your problem, America. You can't even trust yourself. Don't even believe yourself. They know better than you do. You're being sent, unbeknownst to you, to town hall meetings by gigantic insurance companies. That's who's doing it. You don't even know. During an off-camera session in his office yesterday White House spokesperson Robert Gibbs said, "I hope people will take a jaundiced eye to what is clearly the Astro turf nature of grassroots lobbying." That is Gibbs, smug arrogant little way of saying that the protests at these town hall meetings are not un-American, they're just artificial. During Obama's campaign we heard what a wonderful grassroots movement it was. We saw the video of him standing in front of ACORN and talking about the grassroots movement that's been developed in communities all across this country. The grassroots movement, people, regular people getting together. That's what that election was. Millions of regular people organized and contributing to Barack Obama's campaign. Just the little people, tiny, really, people, like barely even worth mentioning. U.C. Berkeley who donated over $1.5 million to him. Some minuscule company called Goldman Sachs. It was only a million dollars. I don't even know who these Goldman Sachs people are. Harvard was right behind them, followed by Microsoft, Google, CitiGroup, JP Morgan Chase. Gee, these names seem to be playing a role today. Time Warner. Stanford. IBM. Columbia. Morgan Stanley, and oh, oh, what a stunning surprise, one of the little people, of course. G.E. But spokesperson minion, buffoon, Pillsbury spokesboy, Robert Gibbs, says that your outrage, your outrage, and this is where you're just too stupid to even know that you're being used. Your outrage is, quote, manufactured anger. Manufactured anger. Wow. You bet. I wonder who's manufacturing that. Where do they print that up? It has to be overseas because we're closing down factories here. Manufactured. But not by Aetna. Not by Blue Cross/Blue Shield or even AIG. Those guys couldn't be manufacturing it, because they're too busy there in the Oval Office with the president and SEIU. No, it's not Blue Cross or Aetna or AIG or G.E. no, it's being manufactured by the.

PAT: Red bastards!

GLENN: Thank you, Pat.

PAT: Thank you. Need me to do it again. Red bastards!

GLENN: Fundamentally transform the greatest nation on earth. Those who haven't even read the bill. I can't even say this right. Those who have read the bill -- those who haven't even read the bill will transform the nation.

PAT: Those who haven't even read the bill will transform it.

GLENN: He's just doing that because my wife said not to get my blood pressure up. So I just have a stand-in screamer for me. These same morons have the arrogance to tell us that we're not legitimately angry. You know, what, I'm pretty clear -- Pat, are you pretty clear on your angry.

PAT: I'm angry.

GLENN: Legitimately angry.

PAT: Legitimately angry.

GLENN: No astro turf anger.

PAT: None.

GLENN: I can't take the Nancy Pelosis or Dick Durbins of the world anymore. I can't take the -- I can take a fair fight. I can take a fair argument. I can lose in a fair fight. And I'm okay. I'm a big boy. I can't take the lies. Dick Durbin crawled out from whatever rock he has been enjoying in the last few years to say this:

VOICE: I hope my colleagues won't fall for a sucker punch like this. These health insurance companies and people like them are trying to load these town meetings for visual impact on television. They want to show thousands of people screaming socialism. And try to overcome the public sentiment, which now favors healthcare reform. That's almost like --

GLENN: Stop. I can't take it. I can't take it. First of all, the big insurance companies are in the Oval Office. The big insurance companies are for this, because they will put their small competitors out of business. This is about big business. Big business. And I would like Mr. Durbin to show me one poll -- I'm sorry, Pat.

PAT: Show me one poll where the people favor this.

GLENN: Thank you, Pat. Show me one. Just show me one. When representative Lloyd dog get of Texas set up a town hall meeting in Austin to discuss healthcare. Here's what happened.


[CROWD]

GLENN: Now let me ask you this question. Where are the Obama legions here. Where are all the Democrats to welcome their conquering healthcare hero? The Democrats can bust the dead illegal Norwegians into the polls to vote twice, but they can't seem to muster up a couple of supporters of the socialist bill to show up on a summer day in Texas. But was dog get moved by the outcry? You judge for yourself.

VOICE: A fringe group committed to doing anything they can to disrupt and stop this healthcare reform legislation.

GLENN: There is a fringe group. That's all you are. You're a fringe group. And it's not even as if this was an isolated incident. There were 10,000 people in Columbus, Ohio on Sunday who showed up pretending to be angry, but the media didn't even cover that. Kathleen Sebelius and Arlen Spector faced the astro turfer in Philadelphia.

VOICE: I see this healthcare plan I see nothing that's about health or care. What I see is a bureaucratic nightmare, senator. Medicaid is broke. Medicare is broke. Social security is broke, and you want us to believe that a government that can't even run a Cash for Clunkers program is going to run one-seventh of our US economy.

GLENN: Well, these people, these people are just little people. They have to be fed this information. They can't read on their own. And when they tried to make their case, the crowd wasn't exactly receptive.

VOICE: I have never seen members of Congress work harder. It is unacceptable to me, because -- [CROWD]

GLENN: Arlen Spector.

VOICE: Hours and hours, if people say they haven't read it then go back and read it.

VOICE: My practice -- when you have a bill and you have a more than a thousand pages of healthcare and we divide up the bill, we have to make judgments very fast [CROWD]

GLENN: We have to do it quickly. We gotta go fast. We gotta -- we don't have time to read 1500 pages. Is it really hard for these neo progressives to believe that the American people do not want to fundamentally transform the country that we love? I think we all understand that our current system has flaws. But we also see that whenever some two-bit dictator from Botswana develops a brain tumor after raping his people, exhausting his nation's salt and soda ash resources and spends all of his US AIDS relief money on a fleet of goldplated diamond crusted Mercedes limos for he and his collection of mistresses, he hops on to his G550, does he fly to Cuba for treatment? No. No. No. That's crazy. How about France? That would be horrifying. It's crazy talk. You and I and the administration all knows where he goes and why. It is the same reason why these new dictators in Washington will not agree to take the same healthcare system that they're jamming down our throats. We also know that it defies all reason to pass a 1200-page transformative bill that no one who has voted for it has even read. We know the government can't be trusted to run a senate cafeteria with a budget of $1.5 million let alone a healthcare system that's one-seventh of our entire economy. Have you read Common Sense? Please, dear God get it from a library. I'm begging you to read when will someone stand up and say, "Traitor." When will someone stand up and say, "Thieves." You know this can't be paid for. They know it can't be paid for. We are sick of being taxed into oblivion. We're not even taxed into oblivion yet. But we know it's coming. We're being spent into oblivion. The American way of life is being systematically dismantled and destroyed. The republic is in danger. We are tired of everyone in the US Congress, Democrats, Republicans, everyone, and they don't care. But believe me they better start. Otherwise, as I said on O'Reilly last night, we are entering the most dangerous time in American history. My fellow American, it is not time to pick up guns. It is not time. It is not time to blow anything up. It is time to be extraordinarily wise. It is time to be extraordinarily smart. It is time to do your homework. But it is time to stand up. It is time to let them know we surround them, not the other way around. It is time to go to Washington. It is time to stand or sit in the middle of the street, if you have to. We are living in an extraordinary time. The paradigm is about to change. The question is: Which side will win? There are only two sides. One that believes in freedom and the Constitution and the rule of law and common sense. Or people who will play by their own rules, do what they want, represent you in a fashion because you're too stupid to really understand. They will take your rights away. They will make the decisions for you. And they will become wildly wealthy, because they will do it with gigantic global corporations. America, it is time to figure out which side you stand on.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Friday, award-winning investigative reporter John Solomon, a central figure in the impeachment proceedings, explained his newly filed lawsuit, which seeks the records of contact between Ukraine prosecutors and the U.S. Embassy officials in Kiev during the 2016 election.

The records would provide valuable information on what really happened in Ukraine, including what then-Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter were doing with Ukrainian energy company, Burisma Holdings, Solomon explained.

The documents, which the State Department has withheld thus far despite repeated requests for release by Solomon, would likely shed light on the alleged corruption that President Donald Trump requested to be investigated during his phone call with the president of Ukraine last year.

With the help of Southeastern Legal Foundation, Solomon's lawsuit seeks to compel the State Department to release the critical records. Once released, the records are expected to reveal, once and for all, exactly why President Trump wanted to investigate the dealings in Ukraine, and finally expose the side of the story that Democrats are trying to hide in their push for impeachment.

"It's been a one-sided story so far, just like the beginning of the Russia collusion story, right? Everybody was certain on Jan. 9 of 2017 that the Christopher Steele dossier was gospel. And our president was an agent of Russia. Three years later, we learned that all of that turned out to be bunk, " Solomon said.

"The most important thing about politics, and about investigations, is that there are two sides to a story. There are two pieces of evidence. And right now, we've only seen one side of it," he continued. "I think we'll learn a lot about what the intelligence community, what the economic and Treasury Department community was telling the president. And I bet the story was way more complicated than the narrative that [House Intelligence Committee Chairman] Adam Schiff [D-Calif.] has woven so far."

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