Glenn Beck: Obama - Docs amputate for cash



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GLENN: Okay, I would like to know where all the Dr. Mengele's are that are ‑‑

PAT: Boy, there's a lot of them.

GLENN: ‑‑ ripping kids' tonsils out and amputating feet.

PAT: How many people have had their feet cut off because the doctor just wanted to make $30,000, $40,000, $50,000 extra bucks. I wonder. I'd like to see the stats on that.

GLENN: I would love to see the stats on this. You know, President Obama I think came out yesterday, and it's interesting to me that ‑‑ there are many things that I believe that I shall never say but I shall never say the things that I do not believe. So let's skip that and let's just go to ‑‑

PAT: Good. Wow, was that a first?

GLENN: Yes, I believe it was.

PAT: I believe we just heard a first on the program.

GLENN: Was that a first?

STU: You mean he actually edited himself on the program?

PAT: He actually self‑edited there.

STU: Wow, congratulations.

GLENN: You know what? Let me say this, though. No, no, no, no. On the self‑editing thing, I ask that you please even watch the show or listen to the show and take some notes. Really I'm turning this information over to you. That's why I have the watchdogs. I need you to do your brainwork on it. I need you to spread the message. I need you to be an evangelist for the message. I've asked you before, pray for more time. I don't know why I feel that way, but I do. Pray for more time, please. And take these things down and pass them on. You know, they have a community organized group that has been years in the making. We don't have years. We maybe have, you know, a few weeks, month, I don't know how long. But we've got to organize and we have to be out there. Please pass on the information that you hear on the show. Ponder it in your heart. Pray on it. See if you believe it's true. If it is, please pass it on to other people.

Okay. So I don't know where he's coming up with these doctors, but here's the audio from Pat's audio vault on, I just, I think this is amazing on why we need to have a different system that is not capitalist in nature.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: All I'm saying is let's take the example of something like diabetes, one of a disease that's skyrocketing partly because of obesity.

GLENN: Stop. Stop there for a second. So what is ‑‑ if it's skyrocketing partly because of obesity, what should the government do if we want to control obesity? What does the government do?

STU: Take away all sugar and fat. Ban them.

GLENN: They are going to have to control what you eat.

PAT: Yep, yep.

GLENN: Or you are going to have to be ‑‑ I'm sorry, but you are a fat, fat fatty, and they do this in Japan already. They measure your waist. If you don't ‑‑ if you are too fat, you don't get the healthcare. You've got to get yourself under control.

STU: Exactly. Just like the guy who in England who drank too much, so they didn't give him the liver he needed.

GLENN: Exactly right. But he was 21.

PAT: But to the question, what should the government do? Nothing.

GLENN: Nothing.

PAT: Nothing.

GLENN: Nothing. Okay. So now that you've just seen a seed planted: Because of obesity, diabetes is skyrocketing. Understand that that comes, if they are now in charge of who gets care and who doesn't get care, they are now in charge of that; well, they are going to have to, they have to cut costs. So we better regulate the food that's out there. We better regulate what you eat. And if you're in shape ‑‑ if you don't exercise, well, then you are not going to get healthcare. Don't think it's not coming. All right. So here's the rest of it.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Partly because it's not treated as effectively as it could be. Right now if we paid a family ‑‑ if a family care physician works with his or her patient to help them lose weight, modify diet, monitors whether they are taking their medications in a timely fashion, they might get reimbursed a pittance. But if that same doctor ‑‑

GLENN: Stop, stop, stop, stop. Have you ever heard the phrase that you see the things inside of you, you know? And I know this to be true. I see things in people sometimes and I recognize them. I can recognize arrogance because I have been an out‑of‑control egomaniac for much of my life. Hopefully I have shed most of that. But I can recognize it in somebody that their ego is going to destroy them because I have been destroyed by my ego.

Have you noticed, have you noticed how many times these people are equating people who are healthcare providers with people who will do evil things for money? These are people that are supposed to heal and instead because of their evil greed, because money turns people into monsters, they are willing to do this:

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Ends up getting their foot amputated, that's $30,000, $40,000, $50,000. Immediately the surgeon is reimbursed.

PAT: So instead of doing preventative care, which isn't going to ‑‑ you know, and by the way, again not the same doctor. Not the same doctor who's doing the preventative medicine from the surgeon who after the guy who's doing the preventative medicine has done everything he can and then your foot is still, goes gangrenous or whatever it is, then he turns you over to the surgeon who then cuts off your ‑‑ amputates your foot. Not the same guy even. I mean, does he not have that simple understanding?

GLENN: It doesn't make any sense.

PAT: Doesn't make any sense.

GLENN: Doesn't make any sense whatsoever. And if we have a problem with the doctors doing that, then the government should go after those doctors that are doing that.

PAT: And it's not the first time he said it. Remember the tonsil thing.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Doctors a lot of times are forced to make decisions ‑‑

GLENN: A lot of times.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: ‑‑ based on the fee payment schedule that's out there. So if they look, you come and you've got a bad sore throat or your child has a bad sore throat or has repeated sore throats, the doctor may look at the reimbursement system and say to himself, "You know what, I make a lot more money if I take this kid's tonsils out."

GLENN: Stop. That is just, have you finally lost it?

PAT: Can't take it.

GLENN: Can't take it.

PAT: Can't take it.

GLENN: I can't.

PAT: I feel that way every day about 1,000 times.

GLENN: You know what, play it again and I'll show you where I said I can't take it. Play it again for me.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Doctors a lot of times are forced to make decisions based on demand fee payment schedule.

GLENN: Stop. There it is. The fee payment schedule that's out there. A lot of times doctors, you know, have to do certain things because of the fee payment schedule that's out there.

Stu, do you know who makes the fee payment schedule?

STU: Evil corporations?

GLENN: No, uh‑uh. Hey, Pat, who makes the fee payment schedule?

PAT: The government.

GLENN: What? The government?

STU: Not profiteers?

PAT: Medicare and Medicaid set the fee payment schedule.

STU: No, no, he specifically said they're just out there.

GLENN: They're just out there. The government through Medicare and Medicaid set the fee payment schedule!

PAT: Yep.

GLENN: And then off of that, the insurance companies inflate the number for the capitalist system! The insurance companies are like, well, they will only pay this; we'll do, what is it, like double? We'll do double what Medicare and Medicaid are going to do.

STU: Right. So essentially they charge higher prices to non‑ Medicare participants to make up for the money that they are losing.

GLENN: Exactly right. Exactly right. So if there's a problem with doctors having to do things because they can't afford it, they have this evil desire for money, well, they'll cut people's feet off... I mean, good God almighty, what is this president saying?

PAT: Just for money. Why ‑‑ again we ask this question with the tonsil thing. Why aren't doctors hacked off about this? Why do we have to be hacked off on behalf of all doctors?

GLENN: You know what?

PAT: What is that?

GLENN: You know who's not getting a lot of coverage? Nurses. Nurses are uniting against this stuff. And, you know, I can't take the lies anymore that this is just ‑‑ has anyone in the media asked, "Hey, do you have a deal with the prescription drug companies?" The answer is yes! Do you have a deal with the healthcare industry? The answer is yes! Now, how can you be demonizing these people and yet getting into bed with them?

You know that Robert Reich, a guy who, everything this man says is a nightmare. He is so in bed with this administration and yet he has pulled himself out of universal healthcare, he says, because the Obama administration has made deals with the prescription drug companies that we won't use your buying power against you and hurt you. And so the prescription drug companies went in.

STU: This is after saying over and over again he was going to do all negotiations on C‑Span.

GLENN: When is anyone going to wake up for the love of God. Our country is being destroyed. It has been taken over by liars, thieves, and radicals! When will someone in the mainstream media hold this man's feet to the fire? Pray for more time.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Friday, award-winning investigative reporter John Solomon, a central figure in the impeachment proceedings, explained his newly filed lawsuit, which seeks the records of contact between Ukraine prosecutors and the U.S. Embassy officials in Kiev during the 2016 election.

The records would provide valuable information on what really happened in Ukraine, including what then-Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter were doing with Ukrainian energy company, Burisma Holdings, Solomon explained.

The documents, which the State Department has withheld thus far despite repeated requests for release by Solomon, would likely shed light on the alleged corruption that President Donald Trump requested to be investigated during his phone call with the president of Ukraine last year.

With the help of Southeastern Legal Foundation, Solomon's lawsuit seeks to compel the State Department to release the critical records. Once released, the records are expected to reveal, once and for all, exactly why President Trump wanted to investigate the dealings in Ukraine, and finally expose the side of the story that Democrats are trying to hide in their push for impeachment.

"It's been a one-sided story so far, just like the beginning of the Russia collusion story, right? Everybody was certain on Jan. 9 of 2017 that the Christopher Steele dossier was gospel. And our president was an agent of Russia. Three years later, we learned that all of that turned out to be bunk, " Solomon said.

"The most important thing about politics, and about investigations, is that there are two sides to a story. There are two pieces of evidence. And right now, we've only seen one side of it," he continued. "I think we'll learn a lot about what the intelligence community, what the economic and Treasury Department community was telling the president. And I bet the story was way more complicated than the narrative that [House Intelligence Committee Chairman] Adam Schiff [D-Calif.] has woven so far."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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