Glenn Beck: Why Are We Still Listening to Progressives About the Environment?




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Your food is going to cost more, some products will be much harder to get and I'll tell you why: California's farmers are suffering through an environmental crisis and the government is only making it worse.

The Central Valley is a 400-mile long area spanning 18 counties in California, which is responsible for 57 percent of the state's total farming. And when you consider that California represents about 13 percent of farm receipts in America, it's going to make almonds, artichokes, olives, nectarines, grapes, strawberries, peaches, lettuce and plums harder to get.

The Central Valley has already been hit with a severe drought, which Washington managed to make much, much worse. The Wall Street Journal reports that federal environmental rulings (designed to protect the delta smelt) have reduced water shipments to local farmers to just 10 percent of what they had been getting.

Common sense could tell you the effects of keeping water from a drought-stricken area, but for all the lawmakers and left-wing bloggers who are watching us in their basements, here's what happened: The farmers stand to lose at least $1.2 billion in revenue this year, according to a study by the University of California, Davis.

And that means less food.

In a sick twist of irony, the government is actually starving farmers, which is exactly what happened with FDR.

In the year that ended June 30, the Fresno Community Food Bank distributed a record 14.5 million pounds of food to residents in three counties — twice as much as they gave out last year. Governor Schwarzenegger even called a state of emergency in half of the Central Valley's counties, as well as asking President Obama to declare Fresno a disaster area, to help pay for food shipments to the area known as California's agricultural heart.

But FEMA turned them down, claiming the states and localities had enough money. And as they continue to wait for the appeal, Schwarzenegger's office was forced to set aside $4 million, enough food to hold them out to next week.

I have a really tough question here: How many times do progressives, environmentalists and eco-nutjobs have to be proven wrong, before we finally say shut up?

Van Jones, the green jobs "czar" — I'm so sorry, they don't say that over in Barack Obama's house — the special adviser to the White House Council on Environmental Quality, made a comment as head of the Ella Baker Center, that we're now in the "third wave of environmentalism."

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

VAN JONES, SPECIAL ADVISER TO THE WHITE HOUSE COUNCIL ON ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY: We began to realize that we're really entering a third wave of environmentalism in the United States. The first wave is sort of the Teddy Roosevelt conservation era which had its day. And then in 1963 Rachel Carson writes the book "Silent Spring" and she's talking about toxics and the environment. That opens up a new wave. So it's no longer just about conservation. It's conservation plus regulation.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

He goes on to talk about the "upgrade" the second wave received from the "environmental justice community." The what? Why, the "environmental justice community," of course — those who, according to Van Jones, decided that:

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

JONES: The white polluters and the white environmentalists are essentially steering poison into the people of color communities.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

Wow. "White polluters have been steering poison into minority communities"? But that's another discussion.

I'm so glad the special adviser to the White House Council on Environmental Quality brought up Rachel Carson's book, "Silent Spring." Indeed, as Jones points out, she talked about "toxics" and the environment and that did open up a "whole new wave." One of the things it did was make a villain out of the pesticide, DDT.

DDT had been amazingly affective at killing mosquitoes, fleas and lice that spread malaria, yellow fever, sleeping sickness, plague, encephalitis, West Nile virus and other diseases. So much so that before the discovery of DDT, in World War I typhus killed more servicemen than bullets. After DDT, in World War II, typhus wasn't a problem at all and by the 1960s, DDT had all but eradicated malaria.

Then came Rachel Carson's "Silent Spring," which kicked off a firestorm over the safety of DDT. By 1970, Joni Mitchell included the controversy in the lyrics of her song, "Big Yellow Taxi." It would have been great if "spots on the apples" had turned out to be the nastiest effect of banning DDT. It didn't. The U.S. banned DDT in 1972 and the Stockholm Convention later made the ban worldwide on agricultural use.

The National Academy of Science credits DDT with having prevented 500 million deaths worldwide in just a little more than two decades. Now, tragically, up to 2.7 million people in Africa alone, die every year — 90 percent of those, are children under 5.

Some, "spots on the apples," huh?

By the way, any harmful link to humans from DDT has never been found. Bruce N. Ames, a world renowned biochemist and professor of molecular biology, and Thomas H. Jukes, professor of biophysics and a foremost expert on DDT, from the University of California at Berkeley — yes, that "right-wing kook tank" U.C. Berkeley — said of the attack on DDT: "This is nonsense."

Wayland Hayes, U.S. public health service scientist, for 18 months, fed to human volunteers, daily, three times the quantity of DDT that the average American was ingesting annually. Each day! None of the volunteers experienced any adverse effect, then or six to 10 years later.

Now look, I'm not saying I want to use DDT as a topping for ice cream, but shouldn't we be killing mosquitoes with it? The answer is yes. The progressive nut-balls had it wrong — as usual. And in this case, it's costing lives — millions of them.

Now, the last thing you'd ever want to do is connect any dots with this progressive movement.

Around this time — the early to mid-70s — the new "science adviser", John Holdren, was writing a book called "Eco-Science," in which he discussed population control possibilities. He wrote: "A program of sterilizing women after their second or third child, despite the relatively greater difficulty of the operation than vasectomy, might be easier to implement than trying to sterilize men."

Holdren also wrote: "Indeed, it has been concluded that compulsory population-control laws, even including laws requiring compulsory abortion, could be sustained under the existing constitution if the population crisis became sufficiently severe to endanger the society."

There's more — we could spend the entire hour with his quotes, each more shocking than the last.

We have our regulatory "czar," Cass Sunstein, who didn't want to control pet populations, he wanted them to have attorneys: "[a]nimals should be permitted to bring suit, with human beings as their representatives, to prevent violations of current law...."

Is it that much of a stretch to believe that people who put animals and Earth over humans, wouldn't think it was a problem to allow disease to run its course to reduce the threatening population? Remember, John Holdren said the problem with sterilants in drinking water was getting the public to go along with the plan. Disease — or banning DDT — doesn't require you to take a stand against humans; you're taking a stand for the Earth.

Let me give you an example — it's the progressive way of thinking — people are secondary to the Earth and animals. There's something that's most likely happening in your child's school and you don't even know it. This was sent in by a listener of my radio program; this poster was in their child's classroom.

We can't say the pledge of allegiance to our flag, but now these teachers are trying to get our kids to pledge allegiance to the Earth. The Earth and the environment are the progressive replacement for God; you will bow to, obey and worship it.

Just a few years later, in 1975, Newsweek carried the story of a coming, planetary "Ice Age" due to "global cooling." Now, because of our SUVs, according to Al Gore: "The Earth has a temperature". Uh-huh. Unless you woke up yesterday or today, in the greater New York area the temperature was around 48 here in late summer and there have been, maybe, three or four typical summer-type days in New York this year — period.

But it still isn't Al Gore who needs to backtrack — it's anyone who doubts:

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

FORMER VICE PRESIDENT AL GORE: I think that those people are really in such a tiny, tiny minority now with their point of view. They're almost like the ones who still believe the moon landing was staged in a movie lot in Arizona and those who believe the Earth is flat. That demeans them a little bit, but it's not that far off.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

But because we've listened to their scare tactics, their fear-mongering, for so long, they are now promising to shut down the biggest, most important source of energy we have in this country — without an alternative solution to replace it with: coal — clean and otherwise — provides nearly half of all our energy. Yet, Barack Obama promised to bankrupt the industry:

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

THEN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE BARACK OBAMA: If someone wants to build a coal fire plant they can, it's just it will bankrupt them because they're going to be charged a huge sum for all that greenhouse gas that's being emitted.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

Vice President Joe Biden promised no coal in America:

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

THEN-VICE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE JOE BIDEN: No coal plants here in America. Build them if they're going to build them over there make them clean because they're killing you.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

And special adviser to the president for green jobs, Van Jones said:

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

JONES: You could have clean coal; I'm for clean coal. But if you have clean coal let's have a couple of other things. We could have clean coal or we could have unicorns pull our cars for us all day. Equally fictitious. Equally fantastical. Equally ludicrous. You know. We could have the Tooth Fairy bring us our energy at night. I mean equally ludicrous.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

Or, we could have a self-proclaimed communist create new jobs in America — now that's ludicrous.

And speaking of unicorns and fairies, what do they have in mind to replace 48 percent of our national energy source, once they bankrupt it?

Will Van Jones sprinkle pixie dust on a giant windmill to make up the difference? I mean, that's what they'll have to do, because we're nowhere near being able to convert to wind or solar power.

Will progressive pigs fly out his butt and peddle bicycles to power the turbines attached to our power grid? No, because for the most part the turbines aren't even attached to the power grid. Even T. Boone Pickens, after his massive ad campaign, dropped his plan for the giant wind farm, with the wind turbines in West Texas and stringing the power lines all the way to Dallas were the people live, was scrapped.

Why?

The $10 billion price-tag might have had something to do with it.

With a track record like these progressives have, why would you listen to them on anything? It's like letting your friend, who's been wrong on every Super Bowl prediction since 1967, bet your mortgage on who'll win this year.

Are you willing to roll the dice? Click here to sound off.

— Watch Glenn Beck weekdays at 5p & 2a ET on FOX News Channel

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Friday, award-winning investigative reporter John Solomon, a central figure in the impeachment proceedings, explained his newly filed lawsuit, which seeks the records of contact between Ukraine prosecutors and the U.S. Embassy officials in Kiev during the 2016 election.

The records would provide valuable information on what really happened in Ukraine, including what then-Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter were doing with Ukrainian energy company, Burisma Holdings, Solomon explained.

The documents, which the State Department has withheld thus far despite repeated requests for release by Solomon, would likely shed light on the alleged corruption that President Donald Trump requested to be investigated during his phone call with the president of Ukraine last year.

With the help of Southeastern Legal Foundation, Solomon's lawsuit seeks to compel the State Department to release the critical records. Once released, the records are expected to reveal, once and for all, exactly why President Trump wanted to investigate the dealings in Ukraine, and finally expose the side of the story that Democrats are trying to hide in their push for impeachment.

"It's been a one-sided story so far, just like the beginning of the Russia collusion story, right? Everybody was certain on Jan. 9 of 2017 that the Christopher Steele dossier was gospel. And our president was an agent of Russia. Three years later, we learned that all of that turned out to be bunk, " Solomon said.

"The most important thing about politics, and about investigations, is that there are two sides to a story. There are two pieces of evidence. And right now, we've only seen one side of it," he continued. "I think we'll learn a lot about what the intelligence community, what the economic and Treasury Department community was telling the president. And I bet the story was way more complicated than the narrative that [House Intelligence Committee Chairman] Adam Schiff [D-Calif.] has woven so far."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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