Glenn Beck: The most dangerous Czar




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GLENN: Okay, now I have really good news. Do you remember when I said don't pay attention to what they want you to pay attention to because it's always what the other hand does. Remember that? What did they do last night after we got off the air? Last night when I went off the air, I said on the air, I believe Cass Sunstein is probably the most dangerous czar out there, but I had hope because we had three senators standing up against his confirmation because this guy is not actually a czar. They are calling him the regulatory czar but he has to be confirmed through the Senate. And there were three senators that ‑‑ what do they call this when they ‑‑

STU: Putting a hold on the nomination?

GLENN: Putting a hold on the nomination. We're checking now. I should have this information here in the next few minutes, but we're running some research on now on how many times have you had one senator put a hold on confirmation process and have it overturned. How many times in the history of our country have you had three senators stand up and say, no, no, no, hold.

STU: Probably every five weeks, just like the debt.

GLENN: It could be.

STU: It very well could be.

GLENN: Very good, thank you. Want to know how many times this has happened. Last night when we got off the air they announced that Harry Reid was going to push for cloture on Cass Sunstein so he would be confirmed today. Forget about healthcare. Rush Limbaugh, I saw a statement from him last night. He's absolutely right. It is a Trojan horse. You have no idea, neither do I, what they're building. But it ain't about health and it ain't about care. There is no compromise on anything. Engines at full stop. The republic is at stake, and there are too many people playing too many games. There are too many people playing ‑‑ they don't understand. They're willing to compromise because they're still playing the game as the game has always been played. The game was wrong in the first place, and the game is about to be over. Cass Sunstein is a guy who is against the Second Amendment who believes that the purpose of the Second Amendment is not an individual right but a federal right. He says almost all gun control legislation is constitutionally fine and if the Court is right, the fundamentalism does not justify the view. The Second Amendment protects an individual right to bear arms. He believes that the Second Amendment is the biggest ‑‑ I'm looking for the ‑‑ I'm looking for the exact quote ‑‑ is the biggest lie in American history. He also believes that we ought to ban hunting. He says willingness to subject animals to suffering will be seen as a form of barbarity, morally akin to slavery and the mass extermination of human beings. He believes that animals should have a right, should be able to bring suit because they are not property. You can't own a dog. They should be able to sue you. They would also have a right to property as well. So if you've got an animal that is roaming around, well, gee, we have to have their ‑‑ that's their property. That's where they live.

PAT: He would be fun to have on a hunting trip, hunting, fishing.

GLENN: Just crying himself to sleep.

PAT: Be great.

GLENN: On free speech Cass Sunstein says, quote, many discussion groups and websites less and often more extreme that can be found on the Internet. Discussion groups and websites of this kind have been around for a number of years. On the National Rifle Association's "Bullet N Board," a place where discussions of matters of mutual interest, someone calling himself Warmaster explained how to make bombs out of ordinary household will materials. Warmaster explained these simple, powerful bombs are not very well known even though all the materials can be easily obtained by anyone including minors. That is why he would like to control the Internet. A legislative effort to regulate broadcasting in the interest of Democratic principles. Wow, that's the words that Chavez always used. Should not be seen as an abridgement of the free speech guarantee. Regulate broadcast in the interest of Democratic principles is not an abridgement of the free speech guarantee. A system of limitless individual choices with respect to communications is not necessarily in the interest of citizenship and self‑government. On civil liberties courts should ordinarily require restrictions on civil liberties to be authorized by the legislature. On taxes Sunstein scolds readers like small‑minded selfish children for opposing the size, scope, expansion and skyrocketing expense of the government. Quote: In what sense in the money in our pockets and bank accounts are fully ours. Did we earn it by our autonomous efforts? Could we have inherited it without the assistance of probate courts? Do we save it without the sport of bank regulators? Could we spend it if there were no public officials to coordinate the efforts and pool the resources of the community in which we live. Without taxes there is no liberty. He also believes that we need a second Bill of Rights. In a nutshell, quoting, the New Deal helped vindicate a simple idea. No one really opposes government intervention. Even the people who most loudly denounce government interference depend on it every single day. For better or worse, the Constitution's framers gave no thought to including social and economic guarantees in the Bill of Rights. This will be a gigantic move in the direction of gigantic government because let me explain what he's going to do. He's the author of a book called Nudge. He doesn't believe that anybody should be told what to do through regulation, through laws, new laws. We're not going to ban meat. This is a guy who thinks that rats should be able to have attorneys. If you have rats in yo ur basement, you are not to poison rats. You can't make this stuff up.

Here's what his job is. He doesn't want to change the laws. All he wants to do is just tweak the regulations. So the laws are passed and then he tweaks the regulations. We've seen this ‑‑ this is what's happening right now in California with the farmers. The animals have to be saved. The smelt, a four‑inch fish, the smelt needs to be saved. Farmers can't use that much water. So they've reduced the water supply to farms by, what is it, 80 or 90%. Well, the farmers ‑‑ this is an area now that has 28 to 40% unemployment. The farmers cannot farm. They don't have enough water. All for the smelt. That is what a regulatory czar does: Well, let's just ‑‑ he can't have that much water. He turns the knobs, 5% here, 3% here, 8% here, 12% here. And before you know it, well, for instance, he doesn't want you to eat meat. He thinks it's wrong. We shouldn't have cattle slaughtered and sheep and lamb. That's wrong. So let's make sure that he oversees the fish and wildlife department regulations. Let's make sure that we tweak those regulations. Oh, there's a bucktooth beaver mouse that happens to go into the grazing lands. Well, that animal, they have a right to property, and, and they're endangered. So let's tweak that a bit. Let's make those grazing lands a little more difficult for people to control, a little more difficult for you to graze your cattle on. We just tweak that a little bit. I'm not saying that we're stopping cattle ranches. That's crazy talk. Let me just quick it, making it more difficult. Oh, and by the way, I'm going to regulate a little more on the feed and the grain that are federal to the cattle. And we need to get in with the FDA, we need to have a little stiffer regulations on the way our inspections are done and the butchering of the cattle and let's just tweak just a little bit on how it's transported. Before you know it, your $8 steak is now $25. Well, he hasn't done anything. He's just made it harder for farmers to make and grow cows to give you beef. This is the way it ends. Today they are going to vote for cloture. They are doing it while everybody's talking about healthcare. Harry Reid, this guy has three holds on him. They need 60 votes. They cannot get 60 votes with Ted Kennedy gone. But that means every single Republican must stand against Cass Sunstein, and most of these weasels in Washington haven't done their homework enough to know who this guy is. They haven't pieced this together because nobody for some reason will look at the whole picture. Well, I have to tell you, I have seen you educate those in congress. I have seen it happen. I've seen it with the Republican who said whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, there are no communists in the White House. And I've seen the town hall where people stand up, "Van Jones!" Who? What? And you educated him. I've seen it happen with my own eyes. You are on it. It is time to get everyone you know to call Capitol Hill. Call the Senate. Democrats, listen. Your hunting rights are at stake. Your gun rights are at stake. He's never going to change the laws and that's what they'll tell you. And it's true. He'll never change the laws. He's just going to make everything more difficult. For instance, they haven't banned guns in New York City. But try to get one! They haven't made it illegal. They've just made it impossible to be able to get past the regulation. That is what his expertise is. The most dangerous guy out there right now. I thought we had more time. We don't. You have ‑‑ I don't even know. They haven't announced when that vote is coming, but you better burn up the phone lines now. Democrats, you've got to call your Democratic ‑‑ there are, I believe there's one Democrat that has his name on the list that says a hold but doesn't want his name released. You've got to call your Democrats. Any, anybody who lives in a state where it is farming, anybody who lives in a state where they are sensitive to the Second Amendment, anybody who cares about free speech on the Internet! Let alone broadcast. Forget about broadcast. The Internet! It is the only lifeline that you'll have. You've got to call them today. You vote no on Cass Sunstein. No on Cass Sunstein. Call them now. They're trying to get this through today before you are real ly informed on who this guy is.

Stu, what is the Web address with all of the quotes of him?

STU: StopSunstein.com has a lot of them.

GLENN: Okay. Go there. We'll include it in the free e‑mail newsletter but we'll put a blast out hopefully this morning with this. You have to do this now and you have to wake everybody up, right now. Gigantic loss if he's confirmed. And they're going to do it today.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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