Maher prediction for Glenn

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Behar’s Beck Obsession -- Maher: 'We’re Going to Find Glenn Beck Dressed as a Woman or Playing with His Feces'

PAT: First of all, we kind of give you an idea of where Bill Maher stands politically.

GLENN: Okay. Listen carefully.

PAT: Keeping in mind that last night was the night in which the Empire State building was all aglow in the colors of China to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the communist state over there.

MICHELLE OBAMA: And Barack knows that we are

GLENN: That wouldn't be it.

PAT: That wouldn't be it but this will.

MAHER: I'm so jealous of China. You know, it's a dictatorship and they're very efficient and if only we had something like that.

PAT: Yeah, aren't we all jealous.

GLENN: Yeah, we are.

PAT: At their efficient dictatorship. He also thought maybe we should get rid of the Senate.

MAHER: And the Senate, you know, this is where progress seems to go to die. I'm not sure we need one anymore.

GLENN: Okay. Let me ask you this: First of all, I think the China, I'm jealous if we had a dictatorship, you could listen to that and say, okay, he's joking, he's being the typical. Then he follows with, he's talking about healthcare and he's talking about how the healthcare bill is dying in the Senate. And he's not even sure if we need a Senate anymore. You could say, well, he was joking. However, that doesn't make sense, does it?

PAT: No. And he also had a couple of weeks ago, and we played this. He was on Jay Leno's show when he talked about how he just, you know, you don't trust the American people. They're not capable of making good decisions.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: What a lot of this debate is about, I think they're wrong. The one thing I hope is

GLENN: That doesn't sound like Bill Maher.

STU: That sounds like the president of the United States. That sounded like Barack Obama.

GLENN: It did, yeah.

STU: Why is Bill Maher impersonating Barack Obama?

PAT: That is exactly right, Maher doing his

GLENN: There is another scandal, yet another conspiracy theory that maybe Bill Clinton should look into. All right, do you have it?

PAT: Yes, I do.

MAHER: I mean, you know, they are talking about 60 votes, forget this stuff. You can't get Americans to agree on anything, 60%. 60% of people don't believe in evolution in this country. He just needs to drag them to it. Like I just said, they're stupid.

GLENN: Stop.

MAHER: Just drag them to this. Get

GLENN: You got it? That didn't sound like a joke to me. You could take the "If we only have a dictatorship from China" as a joke. But not when you couple it with that. And then you have last night again where he said, we don't why do we even have a Senate anymore. But here is I think the critical point that you have to bring home and that is, how does he view you? Now, he may be using my name here, but if you listen to me at all, you were in the same category. You may actually be lower on the evolutionary scale because someone like Bill Maher has to give me credit to be smart enough to use you to make money. Got it? So for any contempt that he may have for me or for George Bush or Sarah Palin, we are above you in evolution because we have risen above these stupid mobs and you are just, you are play things that we have zombified. There's no redemption for you. Listen to this conversation.

MAHER: I'm telling you it is not that long before we're going to find Glenn Beck dressed as a woman or playing with his feces. He is extremely unhinged and it's going to happen on air.

VOICE: You think so?

PAT: He's just predicted, I guess, that you're going to play with your, well, feces on the air and maybe

GLENN: I believe that he is right that it is only a matter of time before someone just don't believe your eyes. Don't believe your eyes. I'll tell you the truth. I don't care. I am willing to go into the night broke for what I believe in. I am willing to lose everything. I am willing, I am willing to be alone. It doesn't bother me. I believe that our eternal souls are at stake when it comes to freedom. If we don't stand for freedom, I believe our souls are at stake. I damn near lost my soul once. I ain't gonna play with that. I made a bargain for my soul and that is if you just give me another chance, if you just take all this stuff away, if you give me another chance, I won't make that mistake again. Shoot me in the head. I'm not going to violate what I believe is right. My soul is more important than dollars, more important than my life. It's more important than anything. Period. But mark my words, I will tell you the truth. I will tell you that in my past I've done bad things. I've already I mean, read my books. Hello. Very clear. I was a bad dude. You don't roll up in a ball, you know, in a fetal position on the floor thinking about putting a gun in your mouth if you're a good guy! Why would you do that? I couldn't live with myself anymore. Got it? But I will tell you this. I'll admit to my mistakes, but I do believe he is right. It's only a matter of time before they find a way to destroy me. And that's fine. And they are going to try to use me to intimidate you because anybody else gets out of line, that will happen to you, too. Don't think that what happened to Sarah Palin didn't go through my mine when I saw my character on Saturday Night Live and we all laughed and my wife said, my gosh, they have you down. I mean, that is really, I mean, even your mannerisms and your moves. Don't think that I didn't feel like, oh, my gosh, they're going to "Sarah Palin" me. That's what they want you to understand. You get out of line, we'll destroy you. Bring it on, jack. I don't really care. You know what, honestly like today I got up and I thought, I don't know how much longer I can do this. I'm tired. I'm tired. I'm tired of the thought of someone always constantly out to get you, do you have any idea what it's like I can't talk in restaurants anymore. I can't talk in restaurants because somebody is listening. Somebody will take anything I say, take it and twist it out of context. I can't go out in public with my family anymore. That's crazy talk! That's crazy. So go ahead because quite honestly I know when my job's done, my job's done. And whatever happens, I'll just go back to my regular life and I'll just when I got into this business, I was thinking about going back and being a chef. In the 1990s I was thinking maybe I'll just go into food service. My dad was a baker. His dad was a baker. His dad was a baker. Okay, I can do that. I love doughnuts. I'll be fine.

STU: You make some serious mashed potatoes.

GLENN: Oh, serious food, serious food.

STU: With the cheddar in there. I mean, unbelievable. It's like eating cheese.

GLENN: When you look for the haters diner, know you're going to have serious food because it will be my place. So I don't really care. What he said is true. But listen to what he followed it up with.

STU: Not the feces part. You should point out, not the feces part.

GLENN: I'm not a crazy man but they will do everything they can to paint me as a crazy man. They will do everything they can to convince you that I should never be trusted. I honestly, when you've got billions of dollars at stake and nefarious underworld figures, you really don't think they are going to be able to hire somebody to say something? You don't think they are going to be able to pay somebody to do something? Really? Come on. Come on. Here's what they say. Again, this isn't about me. You just have to know because I think your decisions have to be made, too. What are you willing to endure? What is your pain threshold? What is it you are willing what is worth standing up for? I've told you over a year ago, you must know the things that you believe. You must know them to the core of your being because you are going to find your back to the wall and you are going to have a decision to make. I can go the easy way or I can do what's right. Well, I've made my decision. If you haven't yet and you haven't been forced to, you will be.

PAT: Oh, you will be. You will be, hmmm? Yes? Yes?

GLENN: So here's what Bill Maher says. Now listen to the rest of this statement. Oh, you don't have the rest of his statement? I do that big

PAT: What was the rest of it? Oh, I know, it was wonderful.

GLENN: The rest of it was about how the way these conservatives just pick their leaders, they are all morons, they are all idiots, they are all

PAT: Is it the GOP stuff?

GLENN: Yeah, let me hear that.

MAHER: And then you have the Republicans which are just a bunch of religious lunatics, flat earthers, Civil War reenactors. I mean, I can disagree ideologically with some and then I can respect an ideological disagreement. But the Republican Party in the last 20, 30 years has really gone toward this nonintellectual type of person.

PAT: So he can respect and have an ideological discussion.

GLENN: But not with monkeys.

PAT: And not with somebody

GLENN: We're practically monkeys.

PAT: Not with somebody who's going to play with their feces later on.

GLENN: We're monkeys. We play with our feces.

PAT: Unbelievable.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.


Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:

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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Friday, award-winning investigative reporter John Solomon, a central figure in the impeachment proceedings, explained his newly filed lawsuit, which seeks the records of contact between Ukraine prosecutors and the U.S. Embassy officials in Kiev during the 2016 election.

The records would provide valuable information on what really happened in Ukraine, including what then-Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter were doing with Ukrainian energy company, Burisma Holdings, Solomon explained.

The documents, which the State Department has withheld thus far despite repeated requests for release by Solomon, would likely shed light on the alleged corruption that President Donald Trump requested to be investigated during his phone call with the president of Ukraine last year.

With the help of Southeastern Legal Foundation, Solomon's lawsuit seeks to compel the State Department to release the critical records. Once released, the records are expected to reveal, once and for all, exactly why President Trump wanted to investigate the dealings in Ukraine, and finally expose the side of the story that Democrats are trying to hide in their push for impeachment.

"It's been a one-sided story so far, just like the beginning of the Russia collusion story, right? Everybody was certain on Jan. 9 of 2017 that the Christopher Steele dossier was gospel. And our president was an agent of Russia. Three years later, we learned that all of that turned out to be bunk, " Solomon said.

"The most important thing about politics, and about investigations, is that there are two sides to a story. There are two pieces of evidence. And right now, we've only seen one side of it," he continued. "I think we'll learn a lot about what the intelligence community, what the economic and Treasury Department community was telling the president. And I bet the story was way more complicated than the narrative that [House Intelligence Committee Chairman] Adam Schiff [D-Calif.] has woven so far."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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