Glenn Beck: Tea Party turns on Graham



Glenn Beck is seen here on the Insider Webcam, an exclusive feature available only to Glenn Beck Insiders. Learn more...

GLENN: 888 727 BECK, 888 727 BECK. Is the audio good enough to play of this Lindsey Graham?

PAT: I'm not sure. He's really sounds like somebody recorded this on a cellphone and so he's way in the background.

GLENN: Stu, can you get Kevin on the phone? Can you see if you can get Kevin on the line here. Tell me what he's saying here.

PAT: Lindsey Graham is doing, looks like a town hall meeting and people are yelling at him. Because, you know, here's a guy who was pro amnesty.

GLENN: Pro amnesty.

PAT: Voted for Sotomayor.

GLENN: Yes.

PAT: He voted for the stimulus package. He's just signed on for the climate change bill. And then he claims, you know, that he's this amazing conservative and, in fact, he called you out last week on the "Well, we're going to have him be a conservative" just because you said what you said on the remember that?

GLENN: Give me this again.

PAT: Remember what he said?

STU: Important distinction here because he did not say conservative.

GLENN: Let's listen to what he says.

PAT: Yeah, because it's

GRAHAM: Frankly I don't want to go down the road of thinking our best days are behind us. We need to act decisively. People are genuinely upset with how much money we're spending up here. But at the end of the day when a person says he represents conservatism

PAT: See?

GRAHAM: And that the country's better off with Barack Obama than John McCain, that sort of ends the debate for me as

PAT: Kind of ends the debate for me when you voted for the stimulus, when you voted for amnesty, when you voted for

GLENN: For Sotomayor.

PAT: For Sotomayor now and when you voted for the climate change bill, that sort of ends it for me.

STU: I thought you were talking about the one with the Republican Party, the voice of the Republican Party which you never claimed that you wanted.

GLENN: No, no. You know what, it's MSNBC and all these others, it's the DNC that wants to make me the voice of the Republican Party because they think that that's, you know, somehow or another, you know, a bad thing for the Republicans. I don't think you can, I don't think you can do more damage to the Republican Party than the Republicans are doing to the Republican Party.

PAT: Yeah, I think he says it at the beginning.

VOICE: Are you saying that Glenn Beck is bad for America?

GRAHAM: No, I'm not saying he's bad for America. You got the freedom to watch him if you choose. He did a pretty good job on ACORN. What I am saying, he doesn't represent the Republican Party.

PAT: Got that right. Yeah, you got that right.

GLENN: And I believe that Lindsey Graham now does represent the Republican Party.

PAT: And that's kind of what the people in this gymnasium are screaming at him.

GLENN: Yes, that is the problem. So what is he do we have any of this audio here?

PAT: We do.

GLENN: Is he running for reelection or is he just trying to run for his life? Do you know?

PAT: Not sure.

STU: Didn't he just get reelected? I'm not sure.

GLENN: I have no idea.

STU: Did he? I'll try to look it up.

GLENN: That's probably why he is trying to get away with this stuff.

(Audio playing)

PAT: You can hear people yelling at him and

(Audio playing)

GLENN: Okay, stop, listen to this.

PAT: So they are going to take this party and move it forward and if you don't like it, you can leave.

GLENN: Go back. What were they shouting afterwards? What was the reaction of the crowd?

PAT: He's going to find people, he's going to find people in Maine, in Delaware and whatever and then people are yelling, then move there.

GLENN: Move there.

PAT: Then move there.

GLENN: And we're going to take this party forward.

PAT: And if you don't like it

GLENN: And if you don't like it, leave, okay? Let me hear the rest, where the crowd says after he says that.

(Audio plays)

GLENN: They already have. Listen to that. See, stop. This is the problem with the Republican Party. They are playing they are Democrat Light. Did you not learn from history and FDR? Lindsey Graham is doing exactly the same thing that the Republicans did well, me, too. Me, too, me, too. Well, if we don't move, they are going to run over us. Me, too, me, too, I can do that; I just won't do as much. What, are you out of your mind, Lindsey Graham? See, this is the thing. Listen to the arrogance. We talk about the arrogance of the Barack Obama administration. Listen to the arrogance of Lindsey Graham: And if you don't like it, you can leave. Well, Lindsey, I think they have. I think they have. He says they're not going to become the party of angry white men. Oh, well, that's not too racist. What do you mean you are not going to be the party of angry white men? Do you know why the white men, white women, black men, black women, Hispanics, doesn't matter, do you know why Americans are angry? Because of attitudes like yours! If you don't like it, you can leave. Excuse me? Who works for who? You work for me, you little weasel. I've been paying your stinkin' salary! I have been paying I'm paying for your pension until the day you die! Are you excuse me? I want to say, "Are you talkin' to me? Are you talkin' to me?"

STU: And when you think about the list that Pat just, you know, went through of all these policies, policy after policy after policy, you have to ask the question, if you are going to be an opposition party of Lindsey Graham, why bother having an opposition party?

GLENN: Exactly right.

STU: It's just a pain, it's just a pain to go ahead with it.

GLENN: Right.

STU: Why is the R and the D? It's too many letters.

GLENN: Let's take one in between.

Kevin, Lindsey Graham, could we find a bookstore down

STU: Oh, boy.

GLENN: I'm just sayin'. Maybe in his, in the heart of his state that maybe has a lot of land around it where maybe I could sign some books, go down there and sign some books and maybe exercise my freedom of speech for, like, an hour, about him? Do you think maybe you could see if there's a bookstore that would be interested in hosting us for that event.

On Wednesday's TV show, Glenn Beck sat down with radio show host, author, political commentator, and film critic, Michael Medved.

Michael had an interesting prediction for the 2020 election outcome: a brokered convention by the DNC will usher in former First Lady Michelle Obama to run against President Donald Trump.

Watch the video below to hear why he's making this surprising forecast:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

On Thursday's "Glenn Beck Radio Program," BlazeTV's White House correspondent Jon Miller described the current situation in Virginia after Gov. Ralph Northam (D) declared a state of emergency and banned people carrying guns at Capitol Square just days before a pro-Second-Amendment rally scheduled on Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

Jon told Glenn that Gov. Northam and the Virginia Legislature are "trying to deprive the people of their Second Amendment rights" but the citizens of Virginia are "rising up" to defend their constitutional rights.

"I do think this is the flashpoint," Jon said. "They [Virginia lawmakers] are saying, 'You cannot exercise your rights ... and instead of trying to de-escalate the situation, we are putting pressure. We're trying to escalate it and we're trying to enrage the citizenry even more'."

Glenn noted how Gov. Northam initially blamed the threat of violence from Antifa for his decision to ban weapons but quickly changed his narrative to blame "white supremacists" to vilify the people who are standing up for the Second Amendment and the Constitution.

"What he's doing is, he's making all all the law-abiding citizens of Virginia into white supremacists," Glenn said.

"Sadly, that's exactly right," Jon replied. "And I think he knows exactly what he's doing."

Watch the video to catch more of the conversation below:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

Ryan: Trump Louisiana Finale

Photo by Jim Dale

Part One. Part Two. Part Three.

At the end of Trump rallies, I would throw on my Carhartt jacket, sneak out of the press area, then blend in with everyone as they left, filing out through swinging doors.

Often, someone held the door open for me. Just 30 minutes earlier, the same person had most likely had most likely hissed at me for being a journalist. And now they were Sunday smiles and "Oh, yes, thank you, sir" like some redneck concierge.

People flooded out of the arena with the stupidity of a fire drill mishap, desperate to survive.

The air smacked you as soon as you crossed the threshold, back into Louisiana. And the lawn was a wasteland of camping chairs and coolers and shopping bags and to-go containers and soda cans and articles of clothing and even a few tents.

In Monroe, in the dark, the Trump supporters bobbled over mounds of waste like elephants trying to tiptoe. And the trash was as neutral to them as concrete or grass. They plodded over it because it, an object, had somehow gotten in their way.

It did not matter that they were responsible for this wreckage.Out in the sharp-edged moonlight, rally-goers hooted and yapped and boogied and danced, and the bbq food truck was all smoke and paper plates.

They were even more pumped than they had been before the rally, like 6,000 eight year olds who'd been chugging Mountain Dew for hours. Which made Donald Trump the father, the trooper, God of the Underworld, Mr. Elite, Sheriff on high horse, the AR-15 sticker of the family.

Ritualistic mayhem, all at once. And, there in Louisiana, Trump's supporters had gotten a taste of it. They were all so happy. It bordered on rage.

Still, I could not imagine their view of America. Worse, after a day of strange hostilities, I did not care.

My highest priority, my job as a reporter, was to care. To understand them and the world that they inhabit. But I did not give a damn and I never wanted to come back.

Worst of all, I would be back. In less than a week.

Was this how dogs felt on the 4th of July? Hunched in a corner while everyone else gets drunk and launches wailing light into the sky? configurations of blue and red and white.

It was 10:00 p.m. and we'd been traveling since 11:00 a.m., and we still had 5 hours to go and all I wanted was a home, my home, any home, just not here, in the cold sweat of this nowhere. Grey-mangled sky. No evidence of planes or satellites or any proof of modern-day. Just century-old bridges that trains shuffled over one clack at a time.

And casinos, all spangles and neon like the 1960s in Las Vegas. Kitchy and dumb, too tacky for lighthearted gambling. And only in the nicer cities, like Shreveport, which is not nice at all.

And swamp. Black water that rarely shimmered. Inhabited by gadflies and leeches and not one single fish that was pretty.

Full of alligators, and other killing types. The storks gnawing on frogs, the vultures never hungry. The coyotes with nobody to stop them and so much land to themselves. The roaches in the wild, like tiny wildebeests.

Then, the occasional deer carcass on the side of the road, eyes splayed as if distracted, tongue out, relaxed but empty. The diseased willows like skeletons in hairnets. The owls that never quit staring. A million facets of wilderness that would outlive us all.

Because Nature has poise. It thrives and is original.

Because silence is impossible. Even in an anechoic chamber, perfectly soundproofed, you can hear your own heartbeat, steady as a drum. A never-ending war.

I put "Headache" by Grouper on repeat as we glided west. We were deadlocked to asphalt, rubber over tarface.

And I thought about lines from a Rita Dove poem titled "I have been a stranger in a strange land"

He was off cataloging the universe, probably,
pretending he could organize
what was clearly someone else's chaos.

Wasn't that exactly what I was doing? Looking for an impossible answer, examining every single accident, eager for meaning? telling myself, "If it happens and matters the next year, in America, I want to be there, or to know what it means. I owe it to whoever cares to listen."

Humans are collectors and I had gone overboard.

Because maybe this wasn't even my home. These landmarks, what did they mean? Was I obvious here? When I smiled, did I trick them into believing that I felt some vague sense of approval? Or did my expressions betray me?

Out in all that garbage-streaked emptiness — despite the occasional burst of passing halogen — I couldn't tell if everything we encountered was haunted or just old, derelict, broken, useless. One never-ending landfill.

Around those parts, they'd made everything into junk. Homes. Roads. Glass. Nature. Life itself, they made into junk.

I cringed as we passed yet another deer carcass mounded on the side of the road.

As written in Job 35:11,

Who teaches us more than the beasts of the earth and makes us wiser than the birds in the sky?

Nobody. Look at nature and you feel something powerful. Look at an animal, in all of its untamable majesty, and you capture a deep love, all swept up in the power of creation. But, here, all I saw were poor creatures who people had slammed into and kept driving. Driving to where? For what reason? What exactly was so important that they left a trail of dead animals behind them?

So I crossed myself dolorously and said an "Our Father" and recited a stanza from Charles Bukowski's "The Laughing Heart"

you can't beat death but
you can beat death in life, sometimes.
and the more often you learn to do it,
the more light there will be.

Out here, nothing but darkness. Needing some light, by God. Give me something better than a Moon that hides like an underfed coward.

Jade told me about some of the more traumatic things she'd seen while working at the State Fair.

"Bro, they pull roaches out of the iced lemonade jugs and act like nothing happened."

"All right but what about the corn dogs?"

"You do not want to know, little bro."

She looked around in the quiet. "Back in the day, the Louisiana Congress refused to raise the drinking age from 18 to 21," she said. "They didn't want to lose all that drunk gambler money. So the federal government cut off funding to highways."

We glided through moon-pale landscape for an hour before I realized what she had meant. That there weren't any light poles or billboards along the road. Nothing to guide us or distract us. Just us, alone. And it felt like outer space had collapsed, swallowed us like jellybeans.

Like two teenagers playing a prank on the universe.

In the cozy Subaru Crosstrek, in the old wild night, brimming with the uncertainty of life and the nonchalance of failure, we paraded ourselves back to Dallas. Alive in the river silence that follows us everywhere.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Next, the Iowa caucuses. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

The Iowa primary is just around the corner, and concerns of election interference from the last presidential election still loom. Back in 2016, The Associated Press found that a majority of U.S. elections systems still use Windows 7 as an operating system, making them highly susceptible to bugs and errors. And last year, a Mississippi voter tried multiple times to vote for the candidate of his choice, but the system continuously switched his vote to the other candidate. It's pretty clear: America's voting systems desperately need an update.

That's where blockchain voting comes in.

Blockchain voting is a record-keeping system that's 100% verifiable and nearly impossible to hack. Blockchain, the newest innovation in cybersecurity, is set to grow into a $20 billion industry by 2025. Its genius is in its decentralized nature, distributing information throughout a network of computers, requiring would-be hackers to infiltrate a much larger system. Infiltrating multiple access points spread across many computers requires a significant amount of computing power, which often costs more than hackers expect to get in return.

Blockchain voting wouldn't allow for many weak spots. For instance, Voatz, arguably the leading mobile voting platform, requires a person to take a picture of their government-issued ID and a picture of themselves before voting (a feature, of course, not present in vote-by-mail, where the only form of identity verification is a handwritten signature, which is easily forgeable). Voters select their choices and hit submit. They then receive an immediate receipt of their choices via email, another security feature not present in vote-by-mail, or even in-person voting. And because the system operates on blockchain technology, it's nearly impossible to tamper with.

Votes are then tabulated, and the election results are published, providing a paper trail, which is a top priority for elections security experts.

The benefits of blockchain voting can't be dismissed. Folks can cast their vote from the comfort of their homes, offices, etc., vastly increasing the number of people who can participate in the electoral process. Two to three-hour lines at polling places, which often deter voters, would become significantly diminished.

Even outside of the voting increase, the upsides are manifold. Thanks to the photo identification requirements, voter fraud—whether real or merely suspected—would be eliminated. The environment would win, too, since we'd no longer be wasting paper on mail-in ballots. Moreover, the financial burden on election offices would be alleviated, because there's decreased staff time spent on the election, saving the taxpayer money.

From Oregon to West Virginia, elections offices have already implemented blockchain voting, and the results have been highly positive. For example, the city of Denver utilized mobile voting for overseas voters in their 2019 municipal elections. The system was secure and free of technical errors, and participants reported that it was very user-friendly. Utah County used the same system for their 2019 primary and general elections. An independent audit revealed that every vote that was cast on the app was counted and counted correctly. These successful test cases are laying the groundwork for even larger expansions of the program in 2020.

With this vital switch, our elections become significantly more secure, accurate, and efficient. But right now, our election infrastructure is a sitting duck for manipulation. Our current lack of election integrity undermines the results of both local and national elections, fans the flames of partisanship, and zaps voter confidence in the democratic system. While there's never a silver bullet or quick fix to those kinds of things, blockchain voting would push us much closer to a solution than anything else.

Chris Harelson is the Executive Director at Prosperity Council and a Young Voices contributor.