Glenn Beck: Obama dishing out spankings


Barack Obama campaigned on a promise of unity, bi-partisanship and the whole we'll all be holding hands utopian dream. That clearly hasn't happened so far...

GLENN: From high above Times Square in Midtown Manhattan, this is the third most listened to show in all of America. Hello, you sick twisted freak. Welcome to the program. My name is Glenn Beck. Let's start with some audio from Barack Obama.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Democrats are an opinionated bunch. You know the other side, they just kind of sometimes do what they're told. Democrats, y'all are thinking for yourselves.

GLENN: Oh, I can't take this. I can't take this. The Democrats are an opinionated bunch. Okay. Can you please make this work with "I'm for the Chamber of Commerce when they're for me, and I will destroy them had they're not doing exactly what they're told"? How about this: FTC yesterday, they're going after, they're going after the insurance companies now. They have decided to get rid of the, what is it, Stu? Shoot, I have it in my paperwork. The they went after the insurance companies yesterday.

STU: Oh, the antitrust stuff.

GLENN: Antitrust stuff. Why did they do that? Because the insurance companies came out and said, no, no healthcare. So they are being spanked. Fox speaks out? We're spanked. I mean, it's amazing to me. Hang on just a second. You're spanking everyone who disagrees with you.

PAT: Oh, but he wants, he wants the feedback and he enjoys the Democratic process.

STU: He sure does.

PAT: And that discussion and that dialogue is so good. This guy is so good.

GLENN: It's amazing to me how he is he says one thing, he's like, I'm going to shoot you in the head, but what I want to make very clear here is I've never said that we should shoot people in the head. I mean, it's amazing how they can say one thing while actually doing the other.

STU: And maybe I'm not remembering an example of this, but I don't ever remember George W. Bush saying every Democrat was told what to do.

PAT: Never.

GLENN: Never.

STU: And was never thinking. He would have been so

PAT: He would have been crucified in the media for doing that.

STU: Of course. Describing your entire opposition as brainless zombies?

GLENN: May I let me give you something to chew on. This is start here. The best way to win is to unite people, okay? Reach out to people. Unite them, as many as you can. But when you come to a point to where your poll numbers are going down, you then have to divide them. You then have to do you have to energize your own base against the enemy, okay? That's what, you know, the Republicans were doing with, you know, saying all Democrats, look at these Democrats; they're un American, et cetera, et cetera. And I don't even think the Republicans really did that, but their surrogates did. And the same thing goes with the Democrats. The Democrats were out there doing that and their surrogates, okay? All he's doing now is he's energizing his base because I think they are, they're seeing their own collapse. You can see it in the polls. Did you see the Rasmussen poll?

PAT: Yeah. He's down a lot.

GLENN: Yeah, he's really starting to tank here. Now, the tanking for him is, you know, different than, you know, tanking for others. It's the lowest he's ever been. Now, he's always had skyrocketing ratings, but he's what is he, in the 40s yet? Is he at 48%?

STU: Yeah, we talked

PAT: Yeah, 40%. Well, here's the latest from Rasmussen. 27% strongly approve. 27% strongly approve. 40% strongly disapprove. That's a negative 13.

STU: Right. But his overall approval is in the high 40s still, right?

GLENN: When his overall approval goes down to 42, he's impotent.

STU: Well, because I mean, there was a poll the other day that had his overall approval at 45. That's the lowest I've seen it.

GLENN: Right.

PAT: Wow.

GLENN: But he is when you hit 42%, it takes an act of God to get you back up over 40 up over, you know, 50%. Once you hit I think the magic number's 41 or something like that. Once you hit that number, you're pretty much impotent. You can't you're never going to be back up to where he was, unless there's an emergency.

PAT: And let's not forget he was at, was it 72?

STU: Oh, yeah. When he started he was in the high 60s.

GLENN: But he had no place to go but down.

STU: We expected that.

PAT: Fall so far, so fast. You would think maybe 60 by now, but 47?

GLENN: This is what I said, when nobody was watching us over on Headline News and I said this president has real trouble in front of him. If this guy is elected this is when Hillary Clinton, they were going back and forth. Look at what this man is promising. He is almost being imaged at the time as a god, and he's going to change the dialogue, he's going to change everything, it's going to be you know, the little Disney animals are going to talk. And he has promised everything. If he starts to break his promises, he's done. He's done.

STU: Right. And that was what I think a lot of people were thinking the reason is. Was it Pew today that came out and said it was the fastest or one of the fastest presidents' drops that they had in their history in the third quarter of their presidency, by the third quarter of their presidency which was from, you know, up in the, you know, 60s down to, I think their Pew was still at 53. I mean, so that's a pretty good poll for him at this point. And they still said it was one of the biggest drops they had ever seen. And, you know, some of that is to be expected as far as, like no one holds, you know, when Bush was at 90% at this point of his presidency because 9/11, no one expects him to be 90% throughout his entire presidency.

PAT: Of course not.

STU: But this is a fairly precipitous drop, which is significant to point out.

GLENN: But let me go back to Barack Obama. Let's put Barack Obama back on. Play what he said again.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Democrats are an opinionated bunch. You know the other side, they just kind of sometimes do what they're told. Democrats, y'all are thinking for yourselves. I like that in you.

GLENN: Lockstep

PRESIDENT OBAMA: But it's time for us to make sure that we finish the job here. We are this close.

GLENN: Okay. So here's my new response, anybody Barack Obama says, you know, the Republicans are just stuck in the past. Yep, yep, they are. So are the Democrats. But yep, you got that one right. You got half of that equation right. I mean, why not, if they are going to go after and try to paint the Republicans as the bad guys, let them do it. Because quite honestly any party that thinks that their winning strategy I mean, there's a great story in the Politico today that they're still debating whether or not, you know, these angry voices... I'm not angry. Well, no, I take that back. I am angry. I'm angry that both parties have destroyed our country, that we have put they have put us on the brink of destruction. So yeah, I am angry. I am angry that they have lied to us every step of the way. I am angry that it is so riddled with corruption and yet we are almost powerless to do anything about it because they've set up all the rules, that there is no, there is no rule for them anymore. So yeah, I am angry... but it's not an angry like I hate everybody and I hate the country. I just, I'm angry at the people who have lied to us. I'm just angry at the people who haven't done their job. I've been doing my job. You've been doing your job at home? I think we've been doing our job because we get fired. But you guys rigged the system so much that you can't get fired. You can't get fired. And if we do try to fire you, you do what you're doing in New York or in Pennsylvania. We fire you; Arlen Specter, get the hell out. What happens? The Republicans go and they replace Arlen Specter with another Arlen Specter. In New York what?

STU: What do you mean?

GLENN: When Toomy was coming up and they were like, no, no, hey, wait a minute, hang on just a second.

STU: Right. They've always been hesitant with Toomy. They are with him now, yeah.

GLENN: And you believe that? Look what they're doing in New York.

STU: I'm not saying that they're a principle party. I'm saying they are supporting Toomy in New York.

GLENN: We have a Republican candidate in New York that not only has been endorsed by ACORN but accepted the endorsement.

PAT: Then they try to place it on the likes of us: They're still on the "Conservatives are hurting the party" stuff.

GLENN: Yeah.

PAT: No!

GLENN: I really don't we were having a conversation about this last night. We don't have to agree on an awful lot at this point. You know, it's not like, "And which church do you go to? Which god do you believe in?" We don't have to go there. If you don't believe in God our founders did. But you know what? Thomas Paine didn't. That's kind of in dispute, but I'm willing to go that Thomas Paine didn't. I'm willing to go. At least he had serious doubt. Well, was he ostracized? No.

STU: No. He believed in a lot of stuff that we would not agree with.

GLENN: Yes. Because he

STU: Still a founder.

GLENN: Because the picture was so huge, you could say, look, okay, so you don't believe in God. That's okay. A good human being, you a decent man? Yeah. Great. Come on over. It was okay. It was okay. We don't have to agree on an awful lot. We have to agree on principles of, does merit matter. Does merit matter. Does what you do matter? Should you succeed and fail based on what you accomplish, or what you can't get accomplished? Should you pay for your own debts? Should you if you've screwed it up, should you take responsibility? If you break the law, should you go to jail? That's one thing that we have to take. Are we a meritocracy anymore? Or do we just give everybody everything? Is it free everything? And nobody pays any price unless that price is exacted because of an opinion. Not because of what you've done but because of an opinion. That is the question that we have to ask. Then we have to say, okay, wait a minute, okay, I got that; no, I don't think it should be opinion based; I think it should be merit based. Great. Should you be accountable? Yes. Great. I mean, really what else at this point we're down to so we're down so far that it should be easy to cobble together a coalition, you know? A coalition of accountability. Hold me accountable for what I do. Hold me accountable for the laws that I live within. Hold me accountable don't talk to me about, oh, well, I inherited, I inherited, I inherited. How long would we accept that from anybody? Would you accept that from any business person, any business person? Well, I inherited a fix the damn problem. Can you imagine, can you imagine your kids coming to you? "Well, mom, I inherited this dirty room." Excuse me? Clean your room.

STU: Yeah, exactly.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: Well, my sister was in here and she messed up my whole room. She messed up the room. I get it. You'd say to them, I get it, but I need you to clean your room. You wouldn't go another week. You wouldn't go another day. "Didn't I just tell you the clean the room?" "Mom, I'm in here mopping up and I am..." no, you're not. You're making it more messy. I'm not going to accept you telling me that I'm cleaning my room the wrong way. You need a spanking. That's what you need.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.