Glenn Beck: Who's the extremist?


Arguing with Idiots: How to Stop Small Minds and Big Government


by Glenn Beck

GLENN: It is good to be back, where we can talk some sanity. I'm curious. Granted, I've been down for a couple of days, but has anybody heard anybody over at the White House label Nidal Malik Hasan the terrorist who killed 13 and wounded 30 more at Fort Hood an extremist? Have you heard that label come from anyone, anyone, at the White House, an extremist? I heard him referred as a shooter, a gunman. I know he's been called troubled, harassed. I know that he had a bumper sticker scraped off of his car. Oh, no, not a bumper sticker. Where is my gun? I know he didn't want to be deployed. His cousin called him a good America a good American. I'm hate to think of the good Americans that are on that list of shooting 13 people and still, you know, falling on the list of good there's one. I have yet to hear him be called by anybody, either by the White House or the king of the extremist label, Frank Rich of the New York Times, an extremist. Have you heard it?

It's interesting, isn't it? I mean, because if there was anyone lately who could be labeled an extremist, you would think that it might be somebody who spoke of Islamic jihad to his fellow soldiers and then acted on those feelings by picking up a weapon and killing his fellow soldiers with it. I mean, it seems pretty clear cut in the extremist realm. But, instead, it is you, it is the tea party goer, it is you that quote Thomas Jefferson, you that say, where is the honor of George Washington, you that can quote Ben Franklin saying, you want to get people out of poverty? Make them uncomfortable in their poverty. You, you are the one labeled as an extremist. And that's because you clearly, I mean, you spoke fondly of small government and picked up a sign much that's pretty scary stuff. You and your kids with little, you know, sprinkles made the signs. I mean, you're indoctrinating your children. Of course a you're an extremist. Sarah Palin is extremist. She fought for this overhaul, ran for Vice President, espousing principles. She didn't follow the conventional wisdom of what she should do, according to what they say she should do. She's an extremist. She's out of control. I'm an extremist. I dare expose what no one else will, that there are anti free market officials now, Marxists, socialist, self proclaimed communists in and around the White House. I think I'm an extremist because I think that is probably not a good idea, but Nidal Malik Hasan, oh, he just he was picked upon, he was misunderstood, he was quiet, he was a good American. He just snapped. That's my favorite from the President. He just snapped. Murdered 13 Americans in his snapping. He talked openly about his feelings before acting on them. Did he hear Nancy Pelosi's speech? She said we should watch the language because people might get shot. She's seen it before, you know, of course, not from anyone like Nidal Malik Hasan. No, no, no. The tea party people. You should watch their language. There's consequences to language unless you're a Nidal Malik Hasan. Then, then there's no consequence. No, you just snapped. Why did he snap? I don't know. I don't care, really. He murdered Americans in cold blood. What do you say we don't care about how he snapped or why. It was an act of bald face extreme terrorism. He's an extremist. He's a terrorist. He should be tried, tried fairly, quickly, and if he is found guilty, executed. Done. I'm sorry. Is that too extreme? Good heavens, America. Look what they're doing to us. Look how far the discussion has shifted.

You're seeing it, hearing it everywhere now. Anyone and everyone who effectively stands in the way of the progressive agenda is a fudged mentalist, an extremist, anybody who is against the fundamental transformation of America, well, you're a danger. We don't call Nidal Malik Hasan a Muslim extremist, a terrorist. No, we call him a gunman, a gunman, a man with a gun because the gun was the bad part. Frank Rich and the rest of the Obama mentions of the New York Times, which, by the way, we should start taking bets on how soon they go out of business or no. I'm sorry how soon before they are taken over by the United States government because they are too big to fail. They will gladly too the bidding of this administration because they're too big to fail. They will act as a propaganda arm of the White House. They will act as the propaganda arm of this nation's enemies abroad, rich and the rest of continue to oblige in print and the patrols at MSNBC will eagerly spew the company line on television, you're extreme, he's extreme, they're dangerous, they're hate. Outrageous, frightening. Did you see that sign? Meanwhile, the truly hateful, frightening dangers go unobstructed, along their merry way, because they're just being picked on. He had a bumper sticker scraped off his bumper, you know. George Washington used to call this the battle field of ideas. When did words and ideas replace fists and bullets as tools of violence? No one at the White House or the New York Times has referred to the beat downs issued by SEIU members recently as violent or extreme. We just had another one over the weekend. If I had another appendix, it might burst, too, from the lack of coverage. The SEIU thugs thought on videotape beating down an African American tea party goer. That guy in St. Louis hasn't even been charged. Is it extreme? Is it an extremist to beat someone down because they disagree with you on health care? No, no, apparently not, huh uh. No, no. Standing up against this health care reform, that's extreme and dangerous and on the wrong side of history. The terrorist murderer who shot the Army recruiter dead in Arkansas last wasn't even discussed in the media, let alone called an extremist, but you, me, well so, as long as that's our new reality, I'd like to make a list of demands with you, my fellow extremists. If we are a danger to this country, well, then let's be a danger to this country. Let's go ahead and make a list of our extremist demands because, oh, my, they are extreme. I'm going to start with the toughest one. This is going to put me in the kook territory. Oh, look out. I demand that this government stop spending money that they don't have. Yes, I know. I'm an extremist. I'm a crazy. I'm a radical. I'm a danger to this country by saying, what do you say you don't spend the money that you don't have? Stop spending my grandchildren's money and I'm going to be so I'm going to show you that I've been rooted in extremism for so long, I've been saying that for 10 years. Yeah. Here's another extremist thought. This is crazy. This is crazy. Look out. Somebody call the Department of Homeland Security well, don't bother them now because they found out from Janet Napolitano that working to, quote they're working on several programs now to make sure that there's no anti Muslim violence perpetrated as a result of this shooting. So, Department of Homeland Security is really quite busy working on that anti Muslim violence that we see so much of every day. I mean, Nidal had a bumper sticker scratched off his car. Did you know that? Somebody just write this down and when the Department of Homeland Security gets around to extremists like me, you just remind them that here's another one of my demands. Tell us how you're going to pay for a trillion dollar health care plan. In fact, since we have to pay for it three years before it even starts, what do you say you kick in the savings three years before it starts, before we sign on, you show me for three years you can save the money that you're promising us you're going to save and find. Meanwhile, I'll sit over and eat me Lucky Charms.

Here's another extremist demand. You listen to the people. After all, you work for the people. This used to be a country of laws and not of men. Now we see it's a country of companies, special interests, idea logs. Laws? Excuse me? How about you listen to the people? 35 percent of the American people want this. Would you ever go to war with a 35 percent approval rating? Would you ever do it? Here's another extremist demand. Get rid of the corruption before you spend another dime. Why, why would I why would I, as an extremist, find it reasonable to people who are so riddled with corruption, the guy who writes the tax code can't even figure out how to pay his own taxes? Then says, oh, well, that was just over oversight. So, he amends his taxes. Oh. And, gosh, after he turns that in and it's found that he missed another what was it? Million and a half dollars? Well, that's just another oversight. How many oversights before we start emptying out the prisoners the prisons in our country, making room for all the people in Washington that belong behind bars? I know that's extreme. It's extreme. It is. Return to the principles embedded by our radical extremist founding fathers and you know another thing about this extremist thing? I can't understand it. We're either extremists or we're just involved in the politics of the past. The old, tired politics, the ones that have been tried and tried and tried and continue to fail. Well, you can't be extremist if you don't want to make any changes. How could you possibly be extremist? I mean, I'm sorry, I'm going to go for radical, a radical change in my treatment? Yes, yes. He's advocating radical changes for his treatment. We're going to treat him exactly the same as we've been treating him the whole time. Woe! So, I'm either part of the politics of the past or I'm a radical, but if you want to say that I'm a radical, you better check out the radicals that I subscribe to, the radicals that I read, not Saul Alinsky, not Stalin, not Mao. I look to the radicals of the 1700's, from the period of, currently referred to as the period of enlightenment. You know, those radicals, the radicals of the enlightenment, the radicals that brought us out of the dark ages, those radicals. How could those radicals, 225 years old, how could those radicals possibly, possibly be radicals today? They're 230 years old, these ideas. Unless they haven't been employed for about 100 years. See, these ideas that our founders have, I write it in the first paragraph, I believe, of Common Sense, the fastest way to be deemed a radical in today's society is to quote our founding fathers. How is that possible, if those are just the politics of the past? They're only radical because you haven't heard them for awhile. This country hasn't been living by those words or those ideas. Oh, they're extreme. Let me quote one of those extreme tests, if you want to help the poor, help them feel uncomfortable in their poverty. Well, that extremist was Ben Franklin, from the age of enlightenment. Why did he hate the poor so? Our extremist radical founders all knew that government programs were not the answer to poverty. They led to poverty. Making people comfortable in their poverty is not the answer to get them out of poverty. It is the answer for government officials who gain power by making sure that poverty stricken become permanently dependent upon them. Hello, Detroit! I'm sorry. Is that too extreme for you? It used to be called common sense. It used to be called the truth.

Here's the problem: No matter how much we expose the anti free market, big government takeover that's happening right now, they just keep going because there's not enough Americans aware yet. There was some sort of measurement done by I don't know who recently on the impact of this program. They measured somehow I don't know how all this works, but they somebody measured the footprint of TV and radio and books and everything else. They did some sort of estimate on the Glenn Beck footprint. It is around 30 million people a month supportedly supposedly 30 million people check out the radio, TV shows, at least in whole or in part every single month. Again, I have no idea how this was done. But why understand anything anymore? It's all magic, pixie fairy dust that makes things happen, but let's just say that that's accurate, for the sake of argument. That would still only be 10 percent of this nation, 10 percent. Is hearing this message. I don't know where the tipping point is, but I'm going as hard and as fast as I possibly can. Unfortunately, so is America's adversaries. I know that websites like the Huffington Post put things, you know, on the Internet. Well, you know what? My friend, it is time that you do the same. It is time for you to mobilize. It is time for you to realize that you are an extremist. Um. You're Ben Franklin. You know, he was printing extremist material on a printing press. Oh, yeah. Samuel Adams did the same thing. They used a little something called the newspaper, when the newspapers were against the government, because they knew the government was full of corrupt officials. At the White House the New York Times and the rest of the media, they'll paint you as a kook, as an extremist. I don't care. I'll stand with those revolutionaries, Thomas Paine, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson. It's time we moved past the nonsense. I'm trying, but for the most part, I feel pretty alone in the media and I need your help to get the message out. You don't have to credit me. You can watch or not listen or not subscribe or not steal my material. I don't really care. Repackage it. Find the ways to get this message out. Find the ways. We're doing the work for you. We're giving you the material. We're making sure it's accurate. Repackage it. Find the way to reach out to your friends. Some copyrights do apply. Void where prohibited. Not valid in Hawaii. See dealer for details. Spread the message. Again, I don't know how the survey was done back then, but I've read that the American revolution turned on 20 percent of the citizens back then, 20 percent. Gang, just with this show, we're halfway there. Fortify, know what's real, spread the word, surround yourself with like minded people. Call a terrorist a terrorist. I personally wouldn't tear a bumper sticker off somebody's car, but I also don't think if somebody did, it doesn't mean you pick up a gun and shoot 13 people.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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