Glenn Beck: Time Magazine - YOU don't exist




Ben Bernanke is Time Magazine's Person of the Year

GLENN: Do we have a Cindy Sheehan update on Time Magazine? Time Magazine has made Ben Bernanke the Man of the Year. We actually should have gone back. When did Ben Bernanke become the Fed chair? 2005, 6?

STU: 6 or 7.

GLENN: Has it been that long already? . So wait a minute, Ben Bernanke was there at the beginning before --

PAT: At the very beginning of the melt-down.

GLENN: Where did he come from.

STU: February 1st, 2006.

GLENN: 2006. So he was there way before the meltdown.

STU: And Time's reasoning is specific. I can give you a quote here. The story of the year was a weak economy that could have been much, much weaker. Thank the man who runs the Federal Reserve, our mild mannered economic overlord.

GLENN: Wait. He was there in 2006.

STU: Right.

GLENN: That's before anybody was saying there was a problem. The problem that the banks and Wall Street caused because they're all fat cats, according to Barack Obama, why didn't our banking and Wall Street overlord recognize that?

STU: Yeah, I mean, because this is essentially Obama's argument that he inherited the problem. You can make -- there's some validation with -- some people will argue the Greenspan thing and everything else. But he was there in the middle of it handling it. Where was he before?

PAT: Before taking the job? I think he came from JC Penney, didn't he?

GLENN: Find out where he was before that, Ben Bernanke, was he a professor?

STU: Merrill Lynch -- hold on. He's an academic, history, Stanford Graduate School of Business. Sorting through a little thing here.

GLENN: He didn't send us his resume?

PAT: Immediately before the Chair, JC Penney, I think he was. Men's suits department at JC Penney. Yeah. I could be wrong. But it happened once before.

GLENN: How long does it take?

STU: I'm trying to look through the bio.

GLENN: I don't need the bio I need the resume. Get Ben Bernanke's, go to askjeeves.com.

PAT: That's where you get the real scoop.

GLENN: What was Ben Bernanke's last job?

STU: Before his appointment to chairman, Dr. Bernanke was chairman of the president's council of economic advisors from June 2005 to --

GLENN: So he was part of the -- what was he before he went into Washington?

PAT: He got a Ph.D. at MIT. That's pretty good.

STU: Dr. Bernanke already served the Federal Reserve system in several roles. Member of the Board of Governors for the Federal Reserve from 2002 to 2005.

GLENN: In 2002 when they jacked down the interest rates, he was part of that. Just as Timothy Geithner was part, he was a Federal Reserve chair of New York. So he oversaw all of the banks here. He's the guy who missed it all.

PAT: I don't know if I would blame him completely he certainly was there.

GLENN: Excuse me? Excuse me?



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STU: Ben Bernanke?

GLENN: Timothy Geithner.

STU: Geithner, I'm sorry.

GLENN: That was his job to oversee the banks here.

STU: That's a completely different story. He was a member of The Academic Advisory Panel at the Fed in New York from 1990 to 2002.

GLENN: He's been at the Fed the whole time. The Fed is the problem here. The Fed -- Alan Greenspan said he didn't even understand these CDOs. He didn't even understand them. What? That's a problem Al. So I'm trying to figure out how Time Magazine is splitting he was part of the system but he's fixed it. He was part of the system that created it. It's like, hey, hey, Bernie Madoff, he made like $4 million for people.

STU: Let's say Bernie Madoff went and did all this fraud and made billions of dollars somehow turned it around you could make the argument that you ignore the first half of his year turn it around say that's great. But Ben Bernanke's turning it around was losing four million jobs.

GLENN: Instead of what, five? Four million jobs. Seven. Four in the last nine months or 12 months.

STU: I was thinking of it in terms of this last year.

GLENN: Yeah. No, no. Seven million jobs. That's his big deal. And even if it was $50 billion that Bernie Madoff, would you herald him as a hero? Would he be on Time Magazine the cover saying my gosh look at Bernie Madoff, he made $10 billion. He's the Man of the Year. You'd be like, yeah, he lost the first 50 billion.

STU: You know what this logic is. It's Robert Kramer. His argument was, look, I stole a couple million dollars but eventually they got it back and I was doing it because I meant well.

PAT: Or it's like a physician who beats a man almost to death and then treats him. He doesn't get back to normal he's still damaged severely. Not normal still alive not in critical condition anymore. He's in serious condition now. Hey, look what I did. I fixed this guy.

STU: Great point.

GLENN: This is fantastic.

STU: So apparently Ben Bernanke for that gets Person of the Year. The way Time breaks it up they have Person of the Year. A list, and runners up.

GLENN: Which, wait, which the A list includes what's his name? Usain Bolt.

PAT: He's in the second tier.

STU: A list is just Person of the Year. Ben Bernanke. B list is the runners up which is McKristol, the Chinese worker, Nancy Pelosi.

GLENN: Let's go through this. McKristol. How is McKristol, the guy that the president doesn't listen to.

STU: He asked for a raise.

GLENN: And didn't get it.

STU: He got some.

GLENN: His advice is so convoluted it's taken the president six months to sort through it and then come up with a different answer. All right. So he was considered. You know what that is, that is the Time Magazine going let's not alienate everybody who loves the troops.

STU: It's possible. Although he did make that story I mean big you could argue. Because if it wasn't for that, Obama could have said well we only added 100 troops.

GLENN: If that's the way that the Time Magazine spun it they didn't mean it.

STU: I'm sure they didn't either. The Chinese worker.

GLENN: Which is ridiculous. They could spin that as the slave that now owns you.

STU: Nancy Pelosi, which I think you can argue certainly should be on the Person of the Year list. She did get a lot done.

GLENN: I do think she belongs on the Person of the Year list.

STU: Usain Bolt is the other one on the B list, the sprinter, who is very fast. You've got A lister, Ben Bernanke. Those are the B listers. They have a C lister category.

GLENN: Down to the C list.

STU: Now, in 2005 that's where they stuck Cindy Sheehan. She did make the list but made it into the C lister list.

GLENN: What exactly did Cindy Sheehan accomplish?

STU: They have a write up right here. Who would have thought this mother of a soldier killed in Iraq could spoil the president's vacation and become a spiritual leader of the antiwar camp.

PAT: Who said she spoiled his vacation. Did he come out and say Cindy Sheehan spoiled my vacation? I was chopping some wood in the back then I heard this noise a big ruckus over here. She wrecked it for me. I don't remember that.

STU: Keeping a vigil outside of Bush's Crawford ranch for nearly a month Sheehan become a folksy celebrity, a hero to some and villain to others. That was the write-up. The interesting thing the C list in which she appeared also has someone who appeared, Glenn Beck, also mattered apparently in some weird way. Today. He didn't matter then at all. Today you apparently mattered. Would you like to hear some of the people?

GLENN: Yes. Are these the people that will soon prison number 1179.

STU: The prison matters C listers of time. Shocking Glenn Beck in the same category as Adam Lambert.

GLENN: Stop with the Adam Lambert thing.

STU: Constantly.

PAT: There's a certain [indiscernible] between the two of you.

GLENN: There is we ought to meet this Adam Lambert guy.

STU: John and Kate Gosselin. Hamid Karzai. Rahm Emanuel.

GLENN: Bigger list than mine.

STU: Paired Jay Leno and David Letterman together. Which I don't understand. Bernie Madoff.

GLENN: I got it.

STU: One got screwed.

STU: Come on, do it --

GLENN: Let's leave it at that.

STU: That's the end.

GLENN: By the way, I'm going to be on Leno Friday night flying out to do Leno on Friday night. You don't want to miss it.

STU: Barack Obama on this list. Manny Pacquiao. Sarah Palin. The Twilight stars.

GLENN: Hang a second. Sarah Palin does not belong on the same list with me and the Twilight stars.

STU: I don't know. The way this looks appears they're doing it in order. Number one is more important than number two on this list.

GLENN: Who is number one?

STU: I could be wrong. Number one is -- number one is, of course, obviously, just say it along with me, Neda Agha-Soltan. Which --

PAT: You don't have to explain that.

STU: Neda Agha-Soltan. Are you hearing me? Is the microphone not working? I'm saying Neda.

GLENN: I'm pretending I don't know for the listeners who don't know.

PAT: For the ill-informed talk to us about Neda.

STU: If you don't know Neda Agha-Soltan. I'm not going to lower myself to answer that.

GLENN: Pat, lower yourself and Google search just to figure out how to spell the name. She's number one.

STU: Or he, yes. One of the two is number one. Then you're number two. And then I don't know if this is actually in order.

GLENN: It can't be, Adam Lambert, it can't be.

STU: Adam Lambert number eight.

GLENN: Hang on. We'll be back in just a second.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.