Valerie Jarrett - Tea Party Extreme

Obama's 'BFF' Likes Idea of Simple Booklets to Educate 'Typical' Tea Partiers

GLENN: We have some new audio now from Scott Baker at Breitbart.TV who, this is amazing stuff. This is amazing stuff. Valerie Jarrett now, the best friend of Barack and Michelle Obama, she is, she's up in, I think is it, is it Harvard? She's up at Harvard, I think, and she was asked a question about the tea party. And I haven't heard this yet but apparently it's a little hard to understand. So here it is.

PAT: Yeah, it's a little convoluted because the guy's asking her a question and we join it with him asking a question of the tea partiers, all right?

GLENN: So basically what she's getting ready to say, here is, tea parties aren't so bright.

VOICE: Whereas a typical person including those in the tea party, exactly, could understand the basics of it because I feel that many of them simply don't. Do you think that is an analogy?

PAT: You need a simple, like a simple pamphlet to

GLENN: You need a little book because tea party people are too stupid to understand. So you need a little book.

PAT: Like with pictures and stuff?


PAT: Something really easy?

JARRETT: I think it's an excellent analogy. I think probably hope and change were so catchy because it was really very simple and it was something everyone understood the definition. That's why death panels were so catchy. Everybody didn't know what it meant but they knew it was really bad. And so I think part of our challenge is to find a very simple way of communicating. And it's hard to even understand what people are talking about. When I first got there they kept talking about cloture and reconciliation. And people don't know what that's talking about. They know what a preexisting condition is when they've been dropped from their insurance company.

PAT: And then she's go the some thoughts on tea parties.

JARRETT: Even if they are in favor of, let's say, a different form of healthcare, insurance to perform, fine. But what's happening is it's an anti government. I mean, that's the tea party. They really are trying to rebel against government at all. I think that that's

PAT: What? No, they're not.

JARRETT: Again it's an extreme.

PAT: No, they're not.

JARRETT: It's a lot easier to scare people and to get them angry when they are scared and they are already uncertain and I think that's what the tea party is trying to capture. There's nobody more self critical than President Obama.

GLENN: Stop, stop, stop, stop. Don't play this one yet. Okay. Let's just digest what she just said. Tea party people are stupid and so we should have a little booklet just to explain things. That's why hope and change work so well. Well, but wait, it didn't work on the tea partygoers. Do you have to be do you have to talk down to them even below the hope and change? Because the tea partygoers were saying that doesn't mean anything. What does that mean? Give us specifics!

STU: Maybe because four letters is too long of a word for tea party members.

GLENN: Maybe that's what it is. Okay. So that's why she says hope and change work so well, but we need a little booklet because tea partygoers are stupid. Not only are they stupid, they are all anti government. I have to tell you something. I've never met so many people that are pro government as defined by our Constitution. I don't, I don't know a single tea partygoer that hates government as defined by our Constitution. We just don't think it's been defined, you know, been run like our Constitution says for over a hundred years. So yes, we're anti big government, but we're not anarchists. Now granted Stu is working Pat and Stu and everybody's working on a few words with me.

PAT: We've got to get a little picture book.


PAT: This is granite, this is granted.

GLENN: Shut up! Granted.

STU: Nice.

GLENN: Granted, that's the second time I've corrected it without any help.

PAT: Today, that's right.

GLENN: Make me so paranoid. Between Saturday Night Live and the chalkboard.

PAT: And us.

GLENN: And us, I got off the stage. What was the first thing I said to you, Pat?

PAT: Did I spell anything wrong?

GLENN: When I got off the stage at CPAC, did I spell anything wrong, get anything wrong? Because I knew I was dead if I did. And what did Pat say? "Yeah, but only one word." Okay. So anyway, what was I saying? Okay. So the tea partygoers are stupid. You need a little booklet. But then they also hate government. Now, her main content here is that you don't need to point things out to Barack Obama. He doesn't need people to correct him and yell at him and tell him what he's doing wrong. Listen to this.

JARRETT: The burden of being so bright is that he sees his error immediately. The president's staff and the president have been very actively involved in working with both the House and the Senate to try to get healthcare reform delivered. But ultimately the party, the people that deliver and vote on a bill are congress. If the president could do it unilaterally, he would have done it a long time ago, I can assure you of that.

PAT: Oh, I believe that.

GLENN: I believe that.

PAT: Oh, she got that one right!

GLENN: Go back to the beginning of that clip. Because she says there's no one more self critical than President Obama. The burden of being so bright is that he sees his errors immediately.

PAT: Immediately!

GLENN: The burden of being so bright.

PAT: I have example after example

GLENN: After example.

PAT: of that being the case, too. Remember when he

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I've now been in 57 states? I think one left to go. Up with left to go. Alaska and Hawaii I was not allowed to go to.

PAT: Wait a minute. He didn't seem immediate.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Everybody knows that it makes no sense that you send a kid to the emergency room for a treatable illness like asthma. They end up taking up a hospital bed. It costs if they just gave, you gave them treatment early and they got some treatment and a breathalyzer or inhalator, not a breathalyzer.

PAT: An inhalating breathalyzer. I mean, there you go. He is so bright, he catches those things.

GLENN: Yeah, I know.

PAT: He is on it.

GLENN: I know. Now, let me go back to the one that he hasn't caught and this is where he is this is where he's so bright, his problem is he thinks he's so bright that he thinks he can get away with anything. He has said in the past, when he said in the past about ACORN is he just, he doesn't involve himself with them at all, he doesn't know anything about them. He did one court case with the justice department with ACORN. That's it.

Watch this videotape on television tonight. That's it. That's all he's done. That's all he's done.

PAT: Yeah, I have that if you want the

GLENN: Oh, you have it? Play it, play it.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: My relationship to ACORN is pretty straightforward. When, it's probably 13 years ago when I was still practicing law, I represented ACORN, and my partner in that representation was the U.S. justice department.

GLENN: Good.

PAT: Now, he's so bright.

GLENN: Yeah. Now wait a minute, wait a minute. Play it again.

PAT: Okay.

GLENN: Can you hear the cameras? Because they are asking him, this is on the campaign trail: What is your relationship with ACORN? It's very straightforward.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: My relationship to ACORN is pretty straightforward. When it's probably 13 years ago when I was still practicing law, I represented ACORN, and my partner in

GLENN: Okay, stop. So he was practicing law when he did a case for ACORN. That was his relationship. When he was still practicing law. This is when he was running for congress I'm sorry, for president. He was in the Senate. Now, here's newly found video, the president talking to ACORN behind closed doors.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: And you know you've got a friend in me, and I definitely welcome ACORN's input. You don't have to ask me about that. I'm going to call you even if you didn't ask me.

When I ran Project Vote, voter registration drive in Illinois, you know, ACORN was smack dab in the middle of it. Once I was elected, there wasn't a campaign that ACORN worked on down in Springfield that I wasn't right there with you. Since I've been in the United States Senate, I've been always a partner with ACORN as well. I've been fighting with ACORN, alongside ACORN on issues you care about my entire career.

GLENN: There you go. By the way, did you catch at the beginning? You don't have to call me; I will call you. I thought his relationship was pretty straightforward. I thought it was just that one case 13 years ago.

PAT: Long time ago. Barely knows who they are.

GLENN: This is why when Valerie Jarrett says, "He's just so smart, that's the thing."

JARRETT: Nobody more self critical than President Obama. Part of the burden of being so bright is that he sees his error immediately.

GLENN: Part of the burden of being so bright is that he sees the error of his ways immediately. Part of the burden.

PAT: Wow.

GLENN: That's the problem. These guys think they're so bright, they think they can get away with anything, and they think that you need a little booklet to put it together! No. No, I don't think we do.

The number of people serving life sentences now exceeds the entire prison population in 1970, according to newly-released data from the Sentencing Project. The continued growth of life sentences is largely the result of "tough on crime" policies pushed by legislators in the 1990s, including presidential candidate Joe Biden.

Biden has since apologized for backing those types of policies, but it seems he has yet to learn his lesson. Indeed, Biden is backing yet another criminal justice policy with disastrous consequences—mandatory drug treatment for all drug offenders.

Proponents of this policy argue that forced drug treatment will reduce drug usage and recidivism and save lives. But the evidence simply isn't on their side. Mandatory treatment isn't just patently unethical, it's also ineffective—and dangerous.

Many well-meaning people view mandatory treatment as a positive alternative to incarceration. But there's a reason that mandatory treatment is also known as "compulsory confinement." As author Maya Schenwar asks in The Guardian, "If shepherding live human bodies off to prison to isolate and manipulate them without their permission isn't ethical, why is shipping those bodies off to compulsory rehab an acceptable alternative?" Compulsory treatment isn't an alternative to incarceration. It is incarceration.

Compulsory treatment is also arguably a breach of international human rights agreements and ethical standards. The World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) have made it clear that the standards of ethical treatment also apply to the treatment of drug dependence—standards that include the right to autonomy and self-determination. Indeed, according to UNODC, "people who use or are dependent on drugs do not automatically lack the capacity to consent to treatment...consent of the patient should be obtained before any treatment intervention." Forced treatment violates a person's right to be free from non-consensual medical treatment.

It's a useless endeavor, anyway, because studies have shown that it doesn't improve outcomes in reducing drug use and criminal recidivism. A review of nine studies, published in the International Journal of Drug Policy, failed to find sufficient evidence that compulsory drug treatment approaches are effective. The results didn't suggest improved outcomes in reducing drug use among drug-dependent individuals enrolled in compulsory treatment. However, some studies did suggest potential harm.

According to one study, 33% of compulsorily-treated participants were reincarcerated, compared to a mere 5% of the non-treatment sample population. Moreover, rates of post-release illicit drug use were higher among those who received compulsory treatment. Even worse, a 2016 report from the Massachusetts Department of Public Health found that people who received involuntary treatment were more than twice as likely to die of an opioid-related overdose than those with a history of only voluntary treatment.

These findings echo studies published in medical journals like Addiction and BMJ. A study in Addiction found that involuntary drug treatment was a risk factor for a non-fatal drug overdose. Similarly, a study in BMJ found that patients who successfully completed inpatient detoxification were more likely than other patients to die within a year. The high rate of overdose deaths by people previously involuntarily treated is likely because most people who are taken involuntarily aren't ready to stop using drugs, authors of the Addiction study reported. That makes sense. People who aren't ready to get clean will likely use again when they are released. For them, the only post-treatment difference will be lower tolerance, thanks to forced detoxification and abstinence. Indeed, a loss of tolerance, combined with the lack of a desire to stop using drugs, likely puts compulsorily-treated patients at a higher risk of overdose.

The UNODC agrees. In their words, compulsory treatment is "expensive, not cost-effective, and neither benefits the individual nor the community." So, then, why would we even try?

Biden is right to look for ways to combat addiction and drug crime outside of the criminal justice system. But forced drug treatment for all drug offenders is a flawed, unethical policy, with deadly consequences. If the goal is to help people and reduce harm, then there are plenty of ways to get there. Mandatory treatment isn't one of them.

Lindsay Marie is a policy analyst for the Lone Star Policy Institute, an independent think tank that promotes freedom and prosperity for all Texans. You can follow her on Twitter @LindsayMarieLP.

President Donald Trump's personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani joined Glenn Beck on Tuesday's radio program discuss the Senate's ongoing investigation into former vice president Joe Biden's son, Hunter Biden, and reveal new bombshell documents he's currently releasing.

Giuliani told Glenn he has evidence of "very, very serious crime at the highest levels of government," that the "corrupt media" is doing everything in their power to discredit.

He also dropped some major, previously unreported news: not only was Hunter Biden under investigation in 2016, when then-Vice President Biden "forced" the firing of Ukraine's prosecutor general Viktor Shokin, but so was the vice president himself.

"Shokin can prove he was investigating Biden and his son. And I now have the prosecutorial documents that show, all during that period of time, not only was Hunter Biden under investigation -- Joe Biden was under investigation," Giuliani explained. "It wasn't just Hunter."

Watch this clip to get a rundown of everything Giuliani has uncovered so far.

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For most Americans, the 1980s was marked by big hair, epic lightsaber battles, and school-skipping Ferris Bueller dancing his way into the hearts of millions.

But for Bernie Sanders — who, by the way, was at that time the oldest-looking 40-year-old in human history — the 1980s was a period of important personal milestones.

Prior to his successful 1980 campaign to become mayor of Burlington, Vermont, Sanders was mostly known around the Green Mountain State as a crazy, wildly idealistic socialist. (Think Karl Marx meets Don Quixote.) But everything started to change for Sanders when he became famous—or, in the eyes of many, notorious—for being "America's socialist mayor."

As mayor, Sanders' radical ideas were finally given the attention he had always craved but couldn't manage to capture. This makes this period of his career particularly interesting to study. Unlike today, the Bernie Sanders of the 1980s wasn't concerned with winning over an entire nation — just the wave of far-left New York City exiles that flooded Vermont in the 1960s and 1970s — and he was much more willing to openly align himself with local and national socialist and communist parties.

Over the past few weeks, I have been reading news reports of Sanders recorded in the 1980s — because, you know, that's how guys like me spend their Saturday nights — and what I've found is pretty remarkable.

For starters, Sanders had (during the height of the Soviet Union) a very cozy relationship with people who openly advocated for Marxism and communism. He was an elector for the Socialist Workers Party and promoted the party's presidential candidates in 1980 and 1984.

To say the Socialist Workers Party was radical would be a tremendous understatement. It was widely known SWP was a communist organization mostly dedicated to the teachings of Marx and Leon Trotsky, one of the leaders of the Russian Revolution.

Among other radical things I've discovered in interviews Sanders conducted with the SWP's newspaper — appropriately named The Militant (seriously, you can't make this stuff up) — is a statement by Sanders published in June 1981 suggesting that some police departments "are dominated by fascists and Nazis," a comment that is just now being rediscovered for the first time in decades.

In 1980, Sanders lauded the Socialist Workers Party's "continued defense of the Cuban revolution." And later in the 1980s, Sanders reportedly endorsed a collection of speeches by the socialist Sandinistas in Nicaragua, even though there had been widespread media reports of the Sandinistas' many human rights violations prior to Sanders' endorsement, including "restrictions on free movement; torture; denial of due process; lack of freedom of thought, conscience and religion; denial of the right of association and of free labor unions."

Sanders also traveled to Nicaragua and met with socialist President Daniel Ortega. He later called the trip a "profoundly emotional experience."

Sanders also traveled to Nicaragua and met with socialist President Daniel Ortega. He later called the trip a "profoundly emotional experience."

Comrade Bernie's disturbing Marxist past, which is far more extensive than what can be covered in this short article, shouldn't be treated as a mere historical footnote. It clearly illustrates that Sanders' brand of "democratic socialism" is much more than a $15 minimum wage and calls for single-payer health care. It's full of Marxist philosophy, radical revolutionary thinking, anti-police rhetoric, and even support for authoritarian governments.

Millions of Americans have been tricked into thinking Sanders isn't the radical communist the historical record — and even Sanders' own words — clearly show that he is. But the deeper I have dug into Comrade Bernie's past, the more evident it has become that his thinking is much darker and more dangerous and twisted than many of his followers ever imagined.

Tomorrow night, don't miss Glenn Beck's special exposing the radicals who are running Bernie Sanders' campaign. From top to bottom, his campaign is staffed with hard-left extremists who are eager to burn down the system. The threat to our constitution is very real from Bernie's team, and it's unlike anything we've ever seen before in a U.S. election. Join Glenn on Wednesday, at 9 PM Eastern on BlazeTV's YouTube page, and on And just in case you miss it live, the only way to catch all of Glenn's specials on-demand is by subscribing to Blaze TV.

Justin Haskins ( is editorial director of The Heartland Institute and editor-in-chief of

Candace Owens, BLEXIT founder and author of the upcoming book, "Blackout," joined Glenn Beck on Friday's GlennTV for an exclusive interview. available only to BlazeTV subscribers.

Candace dropped a few truth-bombs about the progressive movement and what's happening to the Democratic Party. She said people are practically running away from the left due to their incessant push to dig up dirt on anybody who disagrees with their radical ideology. She explained how -- like China and its "social credit score" -- the left is shaping America into its own nightmarish episode of "Black Mirror."

"This game of making sure that everyone is politically correct is a societal atom bomb. There are no survivors. There's no one that is perfect," Candace said. "The idea that humanity can be perfect is Godless. If you accept that there is something greater than us, then you accept that we a flawed. To be human is to be flawed."

Enjoy this clip from the full episode below:

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