Glenn Beck: Ted Nugent takes Manhattan

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GLENN: I had probably the strangest group of people together last night. I had Robbie George who consults with presidents and popes, one of the great, great minds of our day from Princeton University. Then I had Dr. Alveda King from Atlanta, the niece of Dr. Martin Luther King, and then a good friend of mine, Ted Nugent who was it was almost surreal.

NUGENT: We deserve each other.

GLENN: It was really

NUGENT: And did you see how Dr. King and I snuggled?

GLENN: No, I don't think she was snuggling with you. I think you were snuggling with her. I think she was like, okay, guitar man...

NUGENT: She fell in love. Are you kidding me? That was pure love. We talked about my history in Atlanta and how I watched the paving of I 75 in Atlanta going from a little village to this megacity that it is today. No, we actually bonded. I salute you, Glenn, for having me on. I was honored to share that little campfire with you. I think we got very serious points across.

GLENN: Boy, I've got to tell you, was that I think that was and I said this last night and maybe it was just me, but I felt it was like a I don't know if it was a turning point or a crystallization.

NUGENT: Well, it certainly was a coalescence of altered opinions and lifestyles, and I'm so proud that you introduced me as the gun nut. I think that establishes that I am the most peaceful guy in the world because I am a gun nut.

GLENN: Yeah. I mean, is there any, is there any question, Pat? Ted Nugent.

PAT: That Ted's a gun nut? No, I don't think so.

GLENN: Not at all. But I don't know if I said this on TV last night but I know I said this yesterday in some format that, you know, the gun nuts that got together on the mall in Washington, D.C.

NUGENT: Harmless.

GLENN: They had loaded weapons!

NUGENT: Well, and again let's

GLENN: And there was nothing.

NUGENT: Let's just get past that because there is no controversy. The facts, the studies, the evidence is irrefutable. Where there are more concealed weapons permits on people's person on any jurisdictions in North America, you have a dramatic reduction in violent crime, especially assaultive type, you know, the rape and the robbery and the home invasion because unarmed I don't care what anybody says. John Lott's books prove it statistically that an armed society is a polite society. I was hanging out, me and the people I was with yesterday, they are all law enforcement heroes, and that armed society certainly is a polite society.

GLENN: Yeah. I said to a bunch of New Yorkers yesterday, the safest place you can be is in a roomful of people who have concealed weapons.

NUGENT: Beautiful. And let me tell you, when I walk the streets of Manhattan, you know, you think, well, Ted Nugent's kind of like the heartland, the flyover guy, but got to watch yourself on the coast. Uh uh, these are my friends out here. I get a, "Hey, Uncle Ted, what have you been hunting? What do you kill on the grill? Hey, Uncle Ted, I'm going to get a pistol; what should I get for my mother."

GLENN: I think the camouflage clothing that you are wearing right now is a bit much for New York.

NUGENT: I don't know. I saw some.

GLENN: He is the only guy, he is the only guy that makes me actually feel more comfortable in New York City.


GLENN: He'll no, no, no. Not for what you're thinking. Ted said, Ted said at one point, he said I think it was the first day we went on radio in New York, we had you on, and I remember you didn't know that we were going to New York and I remember, okay, this is we have Ted Nugent on and I'm like, oh, jeez, first day in New York, please, Ted, don't say anything ridiculous, you know, like and you did.

NUGENT: I didn't say anything ridiculous.

GLENN: Yes, you did. Yes, you did. You said right out of the gate anybody in New York who heard this, they were like, what the hell is this on the station. He said, you know, man, I just had the best weekend. He said, I was just out hunting deer and I had there's nothing, Glenn, like having your hands inside the guts of an animal and that warm blood that just and I'm like, oh, dear God.

NUGENT: Glenn, that's perfect. With all the pastrami flowing down the streets of New York City?

GLENN: Whenever I'm around you, I'm like, you know what? I feel almost like I'm a New Yorker when I'm with Ted.

NUGENT: I am so organic, it defies green. You know what I mean? I am the organic guy. I'm Natty Bumppo, I'm damn near Boone Davy Crockett.

GLENN: You really are.

NUGENT: And still alive and well and I love that stuff, man.

GLENN: You really are. You know, we got the old series of Davy Crockett and Daniel Boone.

NUGENT: You're Fess Parker, baby.

GLENN: Oh, yeah. And my kids well, they don't understand why Davy Boone and Davy Crockett look exactly the same.

NUGENT: Are they enthralled with that setting?

GLENN: They love it.

NUGENT: It's timeless. You talk rugged individualism, you talk about the spirit of independence that made this country. Those are the guys. The way I live is not out of time. I go to Alaska and Africa. The way I live, self sufficiency, you are talking about being an asset to your neighbor. You have to start by being an asset to yourself, and if you can take hands on that sustenance, the food, clothing, shelter, medicine that you need from the good Mother Earth in a face to face eyewitness, first person system, then you know you are being accountable with those resources that we use.

GLENN: I need styrofoam packaging. I'm sorry, I need styrofoam packaging.

NUGENT: We can get you some back straps in styrofoam.

GLENN: You know, can we have somebody, like can I be your neighbor and you go get the animal?


GLENN: And just put it in styrofoam for me to put in the refrigerator?

NUGENT: It's my favorite part.

GLENN: You know what, I was in where was I? This was like 25 years ago. Oh, I was in some place, Sicily, I think.


GLENN: I was going, doing a USO show no, no, no. I was in Spain. I was going to do a USO show on an aircraft carrier and so I was there for the night and I've never been before, and it was Palma de Mallorca and I go in, and the only thing I understood on the menu because I don't speak Spanish, the only thing I understood was rabbit. So I ordered rabbit.


GLENN: It came with eyes and teeth and I thought

NUGENT: Rabbits do come with eyes and teeth, yes.

GLENN: Yeah, but not usually, not for me. Not for me they don't.

NUGENT: Manhattan, an alert from Uncle Ted, sushi comes with eyes and teeth.

GLENN: I don't know, no.

NUGENT: They just remove it before you get it.

GLENN: I would like my eyes and teeth removed, please.

NUGENT: You know, one of my favorite celebrations is the honesty of what sustains us. And you see an Anthony Bourdain or the bizarre food and you see these guys going through the process of the uncomfortable reality of preparing food for the masses. Ladies and gentlemen, boys and girls, write this down: Your life has a gut pile. Know it, love it, admit it, and then you will be more responsible with fewer gut piles. But if you are not privy or honest enough to admit the system by which sustains you, then you can pretend and hire bureaucrats to waste everything in your name, USDA, FDA, OSHA, onward, insanity. So this individual lifestyle, I'm telling you, Glenn, I'm not the weirdo. People who don't understand gut piles are the weirdos. But let me clarify. When I'm in San Francisco, they understand

GLENN: Can you redefine gut pile for me?

NUGENT: That would be the entrails of

GLENN: Of all the animals?

GLENN: Could we could you soften that a little bit?


GLENN: I'm trying to make you fit into polite society.

NUGENT: No soften, no soften. And the gal down at Starbucks wanted to hear about my latest hunting adventure, and that happens in San Francisco, in Los Angeles.

GLENN: She's in New York! She's nuts!

NUGENT: I got you I got news for you. New York and San Francisco and LA

GLENN: Oh, I know.

NUGENT: Everywhere are filled with logical, hard working people.

GLENN: Can I tell you something? I used to feel very alone in New York and now it's, I would say it's I'd say it's 60/40 when I walk on the streets, 60 for, 40 against.

NUGENT: I'd say it's 90/10 with me, and I'm obvious because I only have one

GLENN: They are afraid of you!

NUGENT: No, they are not. I only have one shirt. So it's like

PAT: They don't want to see the gut pile on the sidewalk.

GLENN: No, kids, don't look down, show you a gut pile!

NUGENT: (Laughing).

PAT: They know you can have your hands in their entrails any second.

NUGENT: And I'm not having any fun at all. That's the most important part.

GLENN: You over there: Hey, kids, come here; you know I had my hands in the warm blood of a deer about an hour ago.

NUGENT: In New Jersey, by the way. On Long Island, yeah.

GLENN: All right. So let me get back to Dr. King, which she appreciates at this point to be brought back into it. You know, you are because you are an old man. What, are you 75?

NUGENT: 78 now.

GLENN: You are 78 now?

NUGENT: That's why I walk like that.

GLENN: So you are, what, 60?


GLENN: 61 years old.

NUGENT: She and I are just about the same age. I'm just a year older than Dr. King.

GLENN: Thank you. It's good to know that you can reveal a woman's age and talk about

NUGENT: Well, she and I are that close.

GLENN: gut piles.

NUGENT: I'm honest to a fault.

GLENN: So you remember all of the Dr. Martin Luther King stuff. I don't. A, I grew up in Seattle and, B, I was born in 1964.


GLENN: So I don't remember it all.

NUGENT: I remember it all.

GLENN: Did you know about the did you know about the principles that they were saying you've signed these, you signed these things, you're going to march with us, you signed these? Did you know that?

NUGENT: I was a young man and I was fresh from the American education system, which makes me a dork. I was not politically aware by any stretch of the imagination. I was not historically aware. I was not historically educated. I was aware of white only water fountains.

GLENN: Yeah, yeah, yeah.

NUGENT: I was aware of the segregation.

GLENN: Yeah.

NUGENT: And I wasn't aware of its cruelty, but watching the news with my parents, you certainly saw the manifestation of the evil of segregation which the dogs and the fire hoses and the abuse. And being a Detroit guy, when they rioted in 1967, I realized that it was a much more powerful force than I in my youth was ready for, and I started studying more and more. As a young man obsessed with rock and roll, I was already on the road playing 300 nights a year anyhow. It really started striking home, and I became hurt by the line drawn in the sand between blacks and whites, and I couldn't understand it.

GLENN: I want to go back here because there's something that Al Sharpton said, and we talked on the set after the show.

NUGENT: Right.

GLENN: With Dr. King. And something else Sharpton said to me about three weeks ago, and I think he kind of meant it as a little dig.

NUGENT: No. Not my friend Al not so Sharpton.

GLENN: But he was actually right about one thing, and I think it's a real positive, and we'll start there in just a second.

From the moment the 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson arrived at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776, he was on the radical side. That caused John Adams to like him immediately. Then the Congress stuck Jefferson and Adams together on the five-man committee to write a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain, and their mutual admiration society began.

Jefferson thought Adams should write the Declaration. But Adams protested, saying, “It can't come from me because I'm obnoxious and disliked." Adams reasoned that Jefferson was not obnoxious or disliked, therefore he should write it. Plus, he flattered Jefferson, by telling him he was a great writer. It was a master class in passing the buck.

So, over the next 17 days, Jefferson holed up in his room, applying his lawyer skills to the ideas of the Enlightenment. He borrowed freely from existing documents like the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He later wrote that “he was not striving for originality of principle or sentiment." Instead, he hoped his words served as “an expression of the American mind."

It's safe to say he achieved his goal.

The five-man committee changed about 25 percent of Jefferson's first draft of the Declaration before submitting it to Congress. Then, Congress altered about one-fifth of that draft. But most of the final Declaration's words are Jefferson's, including the most famous passage — the Preamble — which Congress left intact. The result is nothing less than America's mission statement, the words that ultimately bind the nation together. And words that we desperately need to rediscover because of our boiling partisan rage.

The Declaration is brilliant in structure and purpose. It was designed for multiple audiences: the King of Great Britain, the colonists, and the world. And it was designed for multiple purposes: rallying the troops, gaining foreign allies, and announcing the creation of a new country.

The Declaration is structured in five sections: the Introduction, Preamble, the Body composed of two parts, and the Conclusion. It's basically the most genius breakup letter ever written.

In the Introduction, step 1 is the notificationI think we need to break up. And to be fair, I feel I owe you an explanation...

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another…

The Continental Congress felt they were entitled by “the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to “dissolve the political bands," but they needed to prove the legitimacy of their cause. They were defying the world's most powerful nation and needed to motivate foreign allies to join the effort. So, they set their struggle within the entire “Course of human events." They're saying, this is no petty political spat — this is a major event in world history.

Step 2 is declaring what you believe in, your standardsHere's what I'm looking for in a healthy relationship...

This is the most famous part of the Declaration; the part school children recite — the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

That's as much as many Americans know of the Declaration. But the Preamble is the DNA of our nation, and it really needs to be taken as a whole:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

The Preamble takes us through a logical progression: All men are created equal; God gives all humans certain inherent rights that cannot be denied; these include the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to protect those rights, we have governments set up; but when a government fails to protect our inherent rights, people have the right to change or replace it.

Government is only there to protect the rights of mankind. They don't have any power unless we give it to them. That was an extraordinarily radical concept then and we're drifting away from it now.

The Preamble is the justification for revolution. But note how they don't mention Great Britain yet. And again, note how they frame it within a universal context. These are fundamental principles, not just squabbling between neighbors. These are the principles that make the Declaration just as relevant today. It's not just a dusty parchment that applied in 1776.

Step 3 is laying out your caseHere's why things didn't work out between us. It's not me, it's you...

This is Part 1 of the Body of the Declaration. It's the section where Jefferson gets to flex his lawyer muscles by listing 27 grievances against the British crown. This is the specific proof of their right to rebellion:

He has obstructed the administration of justice...

For imposing taxes on us without our consent...

For suspending our own legislatures...

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us...

Again, Congress presented these “causes which impel them to separation" in universal terms to appeal to an international audience. It's like they were saying, by joining our fight you'll be joining mankind's overall fight against tyranny.

Step 4 is demonstrating the actions you took I really tried to make this relationship work, and here's how...

This is Part 2 of the Body. It explains how the colonists attempted to plead their case directly to the British people, only to have the door slammed in their face:

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury...

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice... We must, therefore... hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

This basically wrapped up America's argument for independence — we haven't been treated justly, we tried to talk to you about it, but since you refuse to listen and things are only getting worse, we're done here.

Step 5 is stating your intent — So, I think it's best if we go our separate ways. And my decision is final...

This is the powerful Conclusion. If people know any part of the Declaration besides the Preamble, this is it:

...that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved...

They left no room for doubt. The relationship was over, and America was going to reboot, on its own, with all the rights of an independent nation.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The message was clear — this was no pitchfork mob. These were serious men who had carefully thought through the issues before taking action. They were putting everything on the line for this cause.

The Declaration of Independence is a landmark in the history of democracy because it was the first formal statement of a people announcing their right to choose their own government. That seems so obvious to us now, but in 1776 it was radical and unprecedented.

In 1825, Jefferson wrote that the purpose of the Declaration was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of… but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm… to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take."

You're not going to do better than the Declaration of Independence. Sure, it worked as a means of breaking away from Great Britain, but its genius is that its principles of equality, inherent rights, and self-government work for all time — as long as we actually know and pursue those principles.

On June 7, 1776, the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania State House, better known today as Independence Hall. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee introduced a motion calling for the colonies' independence. The “Lee Resolution" was short and sweet:

Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

Intense debate followed, and the Congress voted 7 to 5 (with New York abstaining) to postpone a vote on Lee's Resolution. They called a recess for three weeks. In the meantime, the delegates felt they needed to explain what they were doing in writing. So, before the recess, they appointed a five-man committee to come up with a formal statement justifying a break with Great Britain. They appointed two men from New England — Roger Sherman and John Adams; two from the middle colonies — Robert Livingston and Benjamin Franklin; and one Southerner — Thomas Jefferson. The responsibility for writing what would become the Declaration of Independence fell to Jefferson.

In the rotunda of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C., there are three original documents on permanent display: the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. These are the three pillars of the United States, yet America barely seems to know them anymore. We need to get reacquainted — quickly.

In a letter to his friend John Adams in 1816, Jefferson wrote: “I like the dreams of the future, better than the history of the past."

America used to be a forward-looking nation of dreamers. We still are in spots, but the national attitude that we hear broadcast loudest across media is not looking toward the future with optimism and hope. In late 2017, a national poll found 59% of Americans think we are currently at the “lowest point in our nation's history that they can remember."

America spends far too much time looking to the past for blame and excuse. And let's be honest, even the Right is often more concerned with “owning the left" than helping point anyone toward the practical principles of the Declaration of Independence. America has clearly lost touch with who we are as a nation. We have a national identity crisis.

The Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

It is urgent that we get reacquainted with the Declaration of Independence because postmodernism would have us believe that we've evolved beyond the America of our founding documents, and thus they're irrelevant to the present and the future. But the Declaration of Independence is America's thesis statement, and without it America doesn't exist.

Today, much of the nation is so addicted to partisan indignation that "day-to-day" indignation isn't enough to feed the addiction. So, we're reaching into America's past to help us get our fix. In 2016, Democrats in the Louisiana state legislature tabled a bill that would have required fourth through sixth graders to recite the opening lines of the Declaration. They didn't table it because they thought it would be too difficult or too patriotic. They tabled it because the requirement would include the phrase “all men are created equal" and the progressives in the Louisiana legislature didn't want the children to have to recite a lie. Representative Barbara Norton said, “One thing that I do know is, all men are not created equal. When I think back in 1776, July the fourth, African Americans were slaves. And for you to bring a bill to request that our children will recite the Declaration, I think it's a little bit unfair to us. To ask our children to recite something that's not the truth. And for you to ask those children to repeat the Declaration stating that all men's are free. I think that's unfair."

Remarkable — an elected representative saying it wouldn't be fair for students to have to recite the Declaration because “all men are not created equal." Another Louisiana Democrat explained that the government born out of the Declaration “was used against races of people." I guess they missed that part in school where they might have learned that the same government later made slavery illegal and amended the Constitution to guarantee all men equal protection under the law. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were an admission of guilt by the nation regarding slavery, and an effort to right the wrongs.

Yet, the progressive logic goes something like this: many of the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, including Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, owned slaves; slavery is evil; therefore, the Declaration of Independence is not valid because it was created by evil slave owners.

It's a sad reality that the left has a very hard time appreciating the universal merits of the Declaration of Independence because they're so hung up on the long-dead issue of slavery. And just to be clear — because people love to take things out of context — of course slavery was horrible. Yes, it is a total stain on our history. But defending the Declaration of Independence is not an effort to excuse any aspect of slavery.

Okay then, people might say, how could the Founders approve the phrase “All men are created equal," when many of them owned slaves? How did they miss that?

They didn't miss it. In fact, Thomas Jefferson included an anti-slavery passage in his first draft of the Declaration. The paragraph blasted King George for condoning slavery and preventing the American Colonies from passing legislation to ban slavery:

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights to life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere... Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.

We don't say “execrable" that much anymore. It means, utterly detestable, abominable, abhorrent — basically very bad.

Jefferson was upset when Georgia and North Carolina threw up the biggest resistance to that paragraph. Ultimately, those two states twisted Congress' arm to delete the paragraph.

Still, how could a man calling the slave trade “execrable" be a slaveowner himself? No doubt about it, Jefferson was a flawed human being. He even had slaves from his estate in Virginia attending him while he was in Philadelphia, in the very apartment where he was writing the Declaration.

Many of the Southern Founders deeply believed in the principles of the Declaration yet couldn't bring themselves to upend the basis of their livelihood. By 1806, Virginia law made it more difficult for slave owners to free their slaves, especially if the owner had significant debts as Jefferson did.

At the same time, the Founders were not idiots. They understood the ramifications of signing on to the principles described so eloquently in the Declaration. They understood that logically, slavery would eventually have to be abolished in America because it was unjust, and the words they were committing to paper said as much. Remember, John Adams was on the committee of five that worked on the Declaration and he later said that the Revolution would never be complete until the slaves were free.

Also, the same generation that signed the Declaration started the process of abolition by banning the importation of slaves in 1807. Jefferson was President at the time and he urged Congress to pass the law.

America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough.

The Declaration took a major step toward crippling the institution of slavery. It made the argument for the first time about the fundamental rights of all humans which completely undermined slavery. Planting the seeds to end slavery is not nearly commendable enough for leftist critics, but you can't discount the fact that the seeds were planted. It's like they started an expiration clock for slavery by approving the Declaration. Everything that happened almost a century later to end slavery, and then a century after that with the Civil Rights movement, flowed from the principles voiced in the Declaration.

Ironically for a movement that calls itself progressive, it is obsessed with retrying and judging the past over and over. Progressives consider this a better use of time than actually putting past abuses in the rearview and striving not to be defined by ancestral failures.

It can be very constructive to look to the past, but not when it's used to flog each other in the present. Examining history is useful in providing a road map for the future. And America has an obvious road map that, as a nation, we're not consulting often enough. But it's right there, the original, under glass. The ink is fading, but the words won't die — as long as we continue to discuss them.

'Good Morning Texas' gives exclusive preview of Mercury One museum

Screen shot from Good Morning Texas

Mercury One is holding a special exhibition over the 4th of July weekend, using hundreds of artifacts, documents and augmented reality experiences to showcase the history of slavery — including slavery today — and a path forward. Good Morning Texas reporter Paige McCoy Smith went through the exhibit for an exclusive preview with Mercury One's chief operating officer Michael Little on Tuesday.

Watch the video below to see the full preview.

Click here to purchase tickets to the museum (running from July 4 - 7).

Over the weekend, journalist Andy Ngo and several other apparent right-leaning people were brutally beaten by masked-gangs of Antifa protesters in Portland, Oregon. Short for "antifascist," Antifa claims to be fighting for social justice and tolerance — by forcibly and violently silencing anyone with opposing opinions. Ngo, who was kicked, punched, and sprayed with an unknown substance, is currently still in the hospital with a "brain bleed" as a result of the savage attack. Watch the video to get the details from Glenn.