Glenn hits the chalkboard on radio




Glenn Beck is seen here on GlennBeck.TV, a feature available exclusively to Glenn Beck Insider Extreme members. Learn more...

GLENN: If you are an Insider Extreme member, go online now and see what we're doing and we'll have this all fleshed out with audio and video tomorrow.

PAT: If you are just listening on the radio, just turn it up and you'll be able to —

GLENN: See the chalkboard.

PAT: — see the chalkboard.

GLENN: But this came to me this morning after I was doing some research over the weekend on something else and I stumbled onto the history of anarchy here in the United States and I realized how it is a — the anarchist is a communist movement.

PAT: And we got onto this because of what President Obama said yesterday which was so unpresidential. People are blaming it on, "Oh, he's just trying to sound tough because people want him to be tougher."

GLENN: No.

PAT: It's a little deeper than that.

GLENN: No.

PAT: The president doesn't talk like that.

GLENN: No.

PAT: The president of the United States doesn't use that sort of speech.

GLENN: He's not talking to you.

PAT: No.

GLENN: When he said that, that was not a message to you. That was a message to someone else. You can feel it. Who? It is a message to the uber left.

So let me explain real quick what's on this chalkboard. Remember the scale that I've made a million times on television that it's total government on one side, anarchy on the other. That's the way it was with our founders and we want to stay as close to anarchy as we can without falling into chaos. The left and right scale is actually up and down. We're currently using the European scale which is the right, the progressive right is Nazi; the progressive left is communist. What this scale doesn't — the reason why progressives don't understand and the media doesn't understand is because they are leaving out one thing. There's one thing missing on this and that is... what? Limited government. But if you look at this scale and you understand the history of the anarchists in America and then you start separating the people in the administration into black flaggers, anarchists, those who say "Revolution!" Van Jones is at the top of the list. Bill Ayers, top of the list. Andy Stern. The people who say — and this is the key. Remember the press is starting to report now that, even the press is starting to turn on him. No, no. No, they're not. No. It's people like Bill Maher. Listen to what Bill Maher has said.

MAHER: But yeah. I mean, you know, they are talking about 60 votes. Forget this stuff, 60. You can't get Americans to agree on anything 60%. 60% of people don't believe in evolution in this country. He just needs to drag them to it. Like I just said, they're stupid. Just drag them to this. Get healthcare done, you know, with or without them. Make the gang of six an offer they can't refuse. This Max Baucus guy, he needs to wake up tomorrow with an intern's head in his bed.

GLENN: That's amazing. That's amazing. So did he belong with Nancy Pelosi — Harry Reid. I'm not sure where Nancy Pelosi is. She frightens me.

PAT: You might want to move her back into the middle with Obama and Soros because I — yeah, I don't know that she's with Harry Reid.

GLENN: She's not —

PAT: Not that I have any love for Harry Reid.

GLENN: No, but she's not —

PAT: But I don't think she's in the same class.

GLENN: Okay.

PAT: I think she's more radical than Harry Reid is.

GLENN: Okay. So on one side, on the total government side that leads you to communism which is right here, okay, I don't think these people are communists. They're progressives, that they don't want to have the, you know, the hammer and sickle, but they do want global control.

PAT: And if you are not seeing this on Insider Extreme — and most people aren't — we've got Harry Reid, Joe Biden, the Clintons, John Kerry on that side of people who want total government, just big government people.

GLENN: Big, giant government. You could really put people like Lindsey Graham there.

PAT: Yeah, I think so. John McCain, Lindsey Graham, uh huh.

GLENN: So you have McCain and Graham.

PAT: Those are the big government people. Over on the other side of this spectrum, the anarchists, you know, the Van Jones, the Bill Ayers, Andy Stern, the Bill Maher from whom we just heard, Oliver Stone, Sean Penn, the Michael Moores.

GLENN: Right.

PAT: All those people hanging out already with communists.

GLENN: And the people who are tired of waiting. They are tired of it, okay? These are the people that Jim Rogers has convinced. He's the guy from COWS, a think tank in Wisconsin that has designed this whole system. He said in 1992 in an interview I read, the Democrats are worthless and we have to destroy them, either by setting up another party. He started the new party. Either by starting a new party or going inside and destroying them from the inside. Well, that's what they did.

So they brought all these leftists, these Marxists, these revolutionaries. Look at the words of Van Jones. When Barack Obama said, "I need to see whose ass I need to kick," that's not the job of the president. The president doesn't kick ass. He upholds justice. Not kick ass. Who says that? A revolutionary does. And it didn't ring true because he's speaking to the revolutionaries. He's giving them their language. He's reaching out to them. Trying to hold them at bay. But I got news for you, gang. I don't know how they are going to be held at bay. The people who are on the total government, the big huge progressive side, the Harry Reids, the Joe Bidens. Joe Biden, now I understand why Joe Biden was selected as vice president.

PAT: He really doesn't seem to fit. He's the odd bought of this whole mix. I think —

GLENN: He is an oddball in any mix.

PAT: But for this administration, for Joe Biden to be a part of it doesn't really work for me.

GLENN: And, you know, you could come up with somebody that was, I don't know, just had a little more something. He was the union guy. Well, why do you need the union guys? You didn't need him to — because a vice president is always to bring in part of a vote, right? That's what the vice president is. Bring in some part of a vote that you couldn't get. They will say it's the Catholic vote or, I don't even know, the Delaware vote.

PAT: The South, whatever.

GLENN: The south, Joe Biden?

PAT: Not in Joe Biden's case but in general.

GLENN: In the past.

PAT: Vice presidents.

GLENN: So what is it? He's the union vote. But Obama already had that. So why do you need it? Try this on for size. Andy Stern is on the anarchist side. Andy Stern is workers of the world unite; take it; we know where you live, we'll come to your house. And they do! That's the dangerous side. Joe Biden is the, "I'm just for big government." He's a balance to Andy Stern. In case things go wrong, in case things go bad, that's Joe Biden's role to be able to walk into union meetings and say, "Listen, listen, you guys are out of hand. You're out of control; don't listen to those anymore." I think he's an emergency stop. Theory, this morning's theory. But does it make sense?

PAT: It does. It does.

GLENN: I mean, it's at least probable.

PAT: You know, he can also serve that function on foreign policy, and he just did with Israel.

GLENN: With Israel.

PAT: He just did that.

GLENN: Yes.

PAT: He's the balancing act. It's interesting.

GLENN: But here's what's happening. We have to know where Obama is on the scale. You'll have to decide. Where is Soros and the Center For American Progress? Are they on the, "Take it. In the end, take it."

PAT: I'd say Soros is.

GLENN: I think Soros is. I think Eric Holder may be. Elena Kagan, don't know enough about her but I don't like what she's done with international law. Nancy Pelosi. You know, there are politicians and then there are black flag Kool Aid drinkers. And by the way, just so you know, Kool Aid drinkers, he was a black flag communist kind of guy.

PAT: Yeah, Jim Jones was absolutely a communist.

GLENN: Yeah. There are those who, if I can't do it, if I can't have it, no one will. Those are the people that should be of grave concern. Those are the people that I have been warning about. Everybody wants to lump them in with Harry Reid and Joe Biden and the Clintons. No. The Clintons are just a part of this system of cobbling all these people together. And I think the way the Clintons sleep at night is they tell themselves, "Well, in the end we're just using these people. You've got to break a few eggs to make an omelette. We can control them." They couldn't be more wrong. Because you've let them into the system. They are no longer out of the — you've injected this poison into the system.

PAT: You said that six years ago with Michael Moore at the Democrat National Convention.

GLENN: So be very careful on your celebration on, hey, the press is turning — no, no, no. Who is turning against the president? Look for the stories, and we will cover this tomorrow. Look for the stories out of Washington on this big progressive convention because it's all the uber left. They are the ones telling the president and that is who the president spoke to when he said, I need to know whose ass I need to kick. Excuse me? You are not speaking to Bill Clinton. You are not speaking to Harry Reid on that. You are speaking to William Ayers, you are speaking — let me give you one more piece of audio. Real quick give me the —

PAT: Robert Reich?

GLENN: Hang on. Robert Reich I contend — I don't know for sure where he fits, but I think he fits over on the total government side, not the an arc communist side. Jeffy, you don't think so? I don't know. Don't put them in. He is either speaking for the anarchist/communist side or it's an olive branch. Hey, hey, hey. Hey, everybody, I know about Obama and how you feel right now but listen, this is what we're working towards.

REICH: We need to have government take BP's operations over at least until this is solved.

GLENN: See?

PAT: Mmm hmmm.

GLENN: And it is the progressive thing that the anarchists are pissed about. We need to do it in a little step, at least until it's solved.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



Use code BECK to save $10 on one year of BlazeTV.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.