Glenn Beck: Black panthers respond to "kill cracker babies" comment



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PAT: You want to go back to that?

GLENN: Yeah. Go ahead. Let's take it from the beginning. You

VOICE: I hate white people, all of them. Every last iota of a cracker, I hate him. We didn't come out here to play this game. There's too much serious business going on in the black community to go out here sliding through South Street with white dirty cracker whore [ BLEEP ] on our arms and we call ourselves black men with African garb on. What the hell is wrong with you, black man? You had a (inaudible) with a white girl on your damn arm. You want freedom? You are going to have to kill some crackers. You are going to have to kill some of their babies.

PAT: Good point, yeah. I mean —

GLENN: It is a good point.

PAT: Seldom made.

GLENN: He is — well, he's regal. He's regal.

PAT: He's a king.

GLENN: Yeah, he is.

PAT: King Shamir.

STU: Royalty.

GLENN: So anyway, King Shamir fresh off his Pap Shamir tour, talks about killing cracker babies. I personally would rather go to Cracker Barrel than kill cracker berries — babies, but I am again not a pap nor a king. Now, is it chairman or general?

PAT: He's known as both. I think he's a general chairman. Or —

STU: He's generally a chairman.

PAT: Generally chairman. General.

GLENN: He's a chairman and general of what? In general he's what?

PAT: Of the Black Panther, you know, army.

GLENN: Oh, so the black — he may be a general in the Black Liberation Army?

PAT: He may be. He may be.

GLENN: And a chairman of?

PAT: The party.

GLENN: The party? Oh. Like Chairman Mao?

PAT: Kind of like that.

GLENN: Okay. So general, General Chairman Shamir who we don't know for sure if he's related to Pap or King Shamir followed up in an interview that the cracker babies — well, let's have him say it. This is new audio now.

PAT: Yeah, this is an interview with chairman Malik Zulu Shabazz.

GLENN: Same as general?

PAT: Same as general.

GLENN: All right.

PAT: Shabazz of the new Black Panther Party.

GLENN: Does he know General Chou?

PAT: We'll have to ask him.

GLENN: All right. Go ahead.

PAT: I don't know. He was asked if he agreed with the comments of King Shamir and killing cracker babies.

MALIK SHABAZZ: I'll say this. The new Black Panther Party does not believe in going out on the streets and berating black people. We don't believe on getting out and attacking people in the streets. We don't believe —

GLENN: Hang on just a second. I didn't think that that was in question.

PAT: No.

GLENN: Who asked him that question?

STU: That's the part that he finds reprehensible because he was yelling at a black guy for dating a white woman. That was the offensive part of the kill the cracker babies comment.

PAT: This is priceless.

MALIK SHABAZZ: In telegraphing what we may or may not do. I don't believe in —

GLENN: Hold it. Stop just a second. Did you hear what he just said?

PAT: Oh, yes. He will say it again.

GLENN: Play it again, please.

PAT: The whole thing?

GLENN: The whole thing

MALIK SHABAZZ: I'll say this. The new Black Panther Party does not believe in going out on the streets and berating black people. We don't believe in getting up and attacking our people in the streets. We don't believe in telegraphing what we may or may not do.

PAT: You like that?

GLENN: Yeah, I do.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: Yeah.

PAT: We don't believe in telegraphing what we — you know, if we want to kill cracker babies, we certainly don't want to telegraph it. I mean, that's just silliness.

STU: Yeah, changing message.

GLENN: We have been making fun of this the whole time and, well, it may — it may, on this broadcast, appear as though we are making fun of pap, colonel, chairman, and King Shamir, I want you to know that it's about to turn deadly serious in a minute. But until that time, let's continue to allow it to appear as though we're making fun of these losers.

MALIK SHABAZZ: I believe as an attorney and as a wise general, I don't believe in telegraphing anything and I don't believe —

GLENN: Stop. Hold on just —

PAT: As a wise general.

GLENN: As a wise general. Okay? Just wanted to —

STU: And attorney.

GLENN: Oh, and an attorney.

STU: Yeah, as a wise attorney and general. I don't know if he's an Attorney General but he's an attorney and a general.

PAT: He's a chairman Attorney General?

STU: That's pretty awesome.

GLENN: Wow.

PAT: Or is he generally a chairman attorney?

GLENN: We're not really sure.

PAT: I don't know.

GLENN: Go ahead.

MALIK SHABAZZ: I don't believe in overhyped rhetoric. I don't believe in overhyped rhetoric that is not calculated to lead to serious action. And so I would say that —

GLENN: Hold on just a second. What he's saying there is, what he's saying there is mean what you say and say what you mean.

PAT: Yeah, if you are going to say you are going to kill cracker babies, you better go do it.

GLENN: Right.

STU: And don't telegraph it to the cracker babies. That's completely —

PAT: I mean, cracker babies, you know, while he may not think they are that smart, they are pretty crafty. And you don't want them to know in advance.

GLENN: Well, they are the oppressor.

PAT: Oh, yeah. Oh, yeah.

GLENN: The cracker babies are so oppressive.

PAT: We'll get to that soon.

GLENN: All right.

MALIK SHABAZZ: He has to speak better if he's going to speak for this organization ever again in the future, he has to speak with a better, more calculated representation, and I believe that he has it in him to do it.

VOICE: Well, obviously you don't believe in killing white babies?

PAT: I like that. Obviously you don't believe in killing cracker babies, white babies?

STU: I love — that's great. And I love also the fact that he's leaving it open that he could speak for the organization in the future. If this guy's going to speak for us in the future, he's going to have to change his approach slightly.

PAT: Well, he's got it in him. Really, we see all the potential. We've seen the potential that King Shamir has.

GLENN: Well, you don't just —

PAT: As a speaker.

GLENN: You don't just throw a king out. He's a king.

PAT: That's right.

GLENN: All right.

PAT: So the question is obvious, and the interviewer's trying to help him. Obviously you don't believe in killing white babies.

MALIK SHABAZZ: Not in that context, no, sir.

GLENN: Okay. Stop for a second. I'm going to take a break and I want to come back. I want to give you time to rest and think exactly what context do you kill white babies? Exactly what context do you say, you got to kill a few babies if you want to be free. What context does that — I'll give you time. This is a little homework.

On Wednesday's TV show, Glenn Beck sat down with radio show host, author, political commentator, and film critic, Michael Medved.

Michael had an interesting prediction for the 2020 election outcome: a brokered convention by the DNC will usher in former First Lady Michelle Obama to run against President Donald Trump.

Watch the video below to hear why he's making this surprising forecast:

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On Thursday's "Glenn Beck Radio Program," BlazeTV's White House correspondent Jon Miller described the current situation in Virginia after Gov. Ralph Northam (D) declared a state of emergency and banned people carrying guns at Capitol Square just days before a pro-Second-Amendment rally scheduled on Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

Jon told Glenn that Gov. Northam and the Virginia Legislature are "trying to deprive the people of their Second Amendment rights" but the citizens of Virginia are "rising up" to defend their constitutional rights.

"I do think this is the flashpoint," Jon said. "They [Virginia lawmakers] are saying, 'You cannot exercise your rights ... and instead of trying to de-escalate the situation, we are putting pressure. We're trying to escalate it and we're trying to enrage the citizenry even more'."

Glenn noted how Gov. Northam initially blamed the threat of violence from Antifa for his decision to ban weapons but quickly changed his narrative to blame "white supremacists" to vilify the people who are standing up for the Second Amendment and the Constitution.

"What he's doing is, he's making all all the law-abiding citizens of Virginia into white supremacists," Glenn said.

"Sadly, that's exactly right," Jon replied. "And I think he knows exactly what he's doing."

Watch the video to catch more of the conversation below:

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Ryan: Trump Louisiana Finale

Photo by Jim Dale

Part One. Part Two. Part Three.

At the end of Trump rallies, I would throw on my Carhartt jacket, sneak out of the press area, then blend in with everyone as they left, filing out through swinging doors.

Often, someone held the door open for me. Just 30 minutes earlier, the same person had most likely had most likely hissed at me for being a journalist. And now they were Sunday smiles and "Oh, yes, thank you, sir" like some redneck concierge.

People flooded out of the arena with the stupidity of a fire drill mishap, desperate to survive.

The air smacked you as soon as you crossed the threshold, back into Louisiana. And the lawn was a wasteland of camping chairs and coolers and shopping bags and to-go containers and soda cans and articles of clothing and even a few tents.

In Monroe, in the dark, the Trump supporters bobbled over mounds of waste like elephants trying to tiptoe. And the trash was as neutral to them as concrete or grass. They plodded over it because it, an object, had somehow gotten in their way.

It did not matter that they were responsible for this wreckage.Out in the sharp-edged moonlight, rally-goers hooted and yapped and boogied and danced, and the bbq food truck was all smoke and paper plates.

They were even more pumped than they had been before the rally, like 6,000 eight year olds who'd been chugging Mountain Dew for hours. Which made Donald Trump the father, the trooper, God of the Underworld, Mr. Elite, Sheriff on high horse, the AR-15 sticker of the family.

Ritualistic mayhem, all at once. And, there in Louisiana, Trump's supporters had gotten a taste of it. They were all so happy. It bordered on rage.

Still, I could not imagine their view of America. Worse, after a day of strange hostilities, I did not care.

My highest priority, my job as a reporter, was to care. To understand them and the world that they inhabit. But I did not give a damn and I never wanted to come back.

Worst of all, I would be back. In less than a week.

Was this how dogs felt on the 4th of July? Hunched in a corner while everyone else gets drunk and launches wailing light into the sky? configurations of blue and red and white.

It was 10:00 p.m. and we'd been traveling since 11:00 a.m., and we still had 5 hours to go and all I wanted was a home, my home, any home, just not here, in the cold sweat of this nowhere. Grey-mangled sky. No evidence of planes or satellites or any proof of modern-day. Just century-old bridges that trains shuffled over one clack at a time.

And casinos, all spangles and neon like the 1960s in Las Vegas. Kitchy and dumb, too tacky for lighthearted gambling. And only in the nicer cities, like Shreveport, which is not nice at all.

And swamp. Black water that rarely shimmered. Inhabited by gadflies and leeches and not one single fish that was pretty.

Full of alligators, and other killing types. The storks gnawing on frogs, the vultures never hungry. The coyotes with nobody to stop them and so much land to themselves. The roaches in the wild, like tiny wildebeests.

Then, the occasional deer carcass on the side of the road, eyes splayed as if distracted, tongue out, relaxed but empty. The diseased willows like skeletons in hairnets. The owls that never quit staring. A million facets of wilderness that would outlive us all.

Because Nature has poise. It thrives and is original.

Because silence is impossible. Even in an anechoic chamber, perfectly soundproofed, you can hear your own heartbeat, steady as a drum. A never-ending war.

I put "Headache" by Grouper on repeat as we glided west. We were deadlocked to asphalt, rubber over tarface.

And I thought about lines from a Rita Dove poem titled "I have been a stranger in a strange land"

He was off cataloging the universe, probably,
pretending he could organize
what was clearly someone else's chaos.

Wasn't that exactly what I was doing? Looking for an impossible answer, examining every single accident, eager for meaning? telling myself, "If it happens and matters the next year, in America, I want to be there, or to know what it means. I owe it to whoever cares to listen."

Humans are collectors and I had gone overboard.

Because maybe this wasn't even my home. These landmarks, what did they mean? Was I obvious here? When I smiled, did I trick them into believing that I felt some vague sense of approval? Or did my expressions betray me?

Out in all that garbage-streaked emptiness — despite the occasional burst of passing halogen — I couldn't tell if everything we encountered was haunted or just old, derelict, broken, useless. One never-ending landfill.

Around those parts, they'd made everything into junk. Homes. Roads. Glass. Nature. Life itself, they made into junk.

I cringed as we passed yet another deer carcass mounded on the side of the road.

As written in Job 35:11,

Who teaches us more than the beasts of the earth and makes us wiser than the birds in the sky?

Nobody. Look at nature and you feel something powerful. Look at an animal, in all of its untamable majesty, and you capture a deep love, all swept up in the power of creation. But, here, all I saw were poor creatures who people had slammed into and kept driving. Driving to where? For what reason? What exactly was so important that they left a trail of dead animals behind them?

So I crossed myself dolorously and said an "Our Father" and recited a stanza from Charles Bukowski's "The Laughing Heart"

you can't beat death but
you can beat death in life, sometimes.
and the more often you learn to do it,
the more light there will be.

Out here, nothing but darkness. Needing some light, by God. Give me something better than a Moon that hides like an underfed coward.

Jade told me about some of the more traumatic things she'd seen while working at the State Fair.

"Bro, they pull roaches out of the iced lemonade jugs and act like nothing happened."

"All right but what about the corn dogs?"

"You do not want to know, little bro."

She looked around in the quiet. "Back in the day, the Louisiana Congress refused to raise the drinking age from 18 to 21," she said. "They didn't want to lose all that drunk gambler money. So the federal government cut off funding to highways."

We glided through moon-pale landscape for an hour before I realized what she had meant. That there weren't any light poles or billboards along the road. Nothing to guide us or distract us. Just us, alone. And it felt like outer space had collapsed, swallowed us like jellybeans.

Like two teenagers playing a prank on the universe.

In the cozy Subaru Crosstrek, in the old wild night, brimming with the uncertainty of life and the nonchalance of failure, we paraded ourselves back to Dallas. Alive in the river silence that follows us everywhere.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Next, the Iowa caucuses. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

The Iowa primary is just around the corner, and concerns of election interference from the last presidential election still loom. Back in 2016, The Associated Press found that a majority of U.S. elections systems still use Windows 7 as an operating system, making them highly susceptible to bugs and errors. And last year, a Mississippi voter tried multiple times to vote for the candidate of his choice, but the system continuously switched his vote to the other candidate. It's pretty clear: America's voting systems desperately need an update.

That's where blockchain voting comes in.

Blockchain voting is a record-keeping system that's 100% verifiable and nearly impossible to hack. Blockchain, the newest innovation in cybersecurity, is set to grow into a $20 billion industry by 2025. Its genius is in its decentralized nature, distributing information throughout a network of computers, requiring would-be hackers to infiltrate a much larger system. Infiltrating multiple access points spread across many computers requires a significant amount of computing power, which often costs more than hackers expect to get in return.

Blockchain voting wouldn't allow for many weak spots. For instance, Voatz, arguably the leading mobile voting platform, requires a person to take a picture of their government-issued ID and a picture of themselves before voting (a feature, of course, not present in vote-by-mail, where the only form of identity verification is a handwritten signature, which is easily forgeable). Voters select their choices and hit submit. They then receive an immediate receipt of their choices via email, another security feature not present in vote-by-mail, or even in-person voting. And because the system operates on blockchain technology, it's nearly impossible to tamper with.

Votes are then tabulated, and the election results are published, providing a paper trail, which is a top priority for elections security experts.

The benefits of blockchain voting can't be dismissed. Folks can cast their vote from the comfort of their homes, offices, etc., vastly increasing the number of people who can participate in the electoral process. Two to three-hour lines at polling places, which often deter voters, would become significantly diminished.

Even outside of the voting increase, the upsides are manifold. Thanks to the photo identification requirements, voter fraud—whether real or merely suspected—would be eliminated. The environment would win, too, since we'd no longer be wasting paper on mail-in ballots. Moreover, the financial burden on election offices would be alleviated, because there's decreased staff time spent on the election, saving the taxpayer money.

From Oregon to West Virginia, elections offices have already implemented blockchain voting, and the results have been highly positive. For example, the city of Denver utilized mobile voting for overseas voters in their 2019 municipal elections. The system was secure and free of technical errors, and participants reported that it was very user-friendly. Utah County used the same system for their 2019 primary and general elections. An independent audit revealed that every vote that was cast on the app was counted and counted correctly. These successful test cases are laying the groundwork for even larger expansions of the program in 2020.

With this vital switch, our elections become significantly more secure, accurate, and efficient. But right now, our election infrastructure is a sitting duck for manipulation. Our current lack of election integrity undermines the results of both local and national elections, fans the flames of partisanship, and zaps voter confidence in the democratic system. While there's never a silver bullet or quick fix to those kinds of things, blockchain voting would push us much closer to a solution than anything else.

Chris Harelson is the Executive Director at Prosperity Council and a Young Voices contributor.