Glenn Beck: Black Liberation Theology

GLENN: We've been talking about the Black Panthers. We showed you the video of, I hate crackers, I hate them all, kill white babies. Then I showed you another guy who's now running the Black Panthers: I wouldn't just kill the babies; I would concentrate first on the cops. That really ties to the communist group or the socialist group up in Detroit that we played that was talking about the border agents, that they have no place that's good. They are the KKK and you should treat them as such. And then she starts going into, well, cops kind of have a place at the table in our society. But it didn't go over well.

Then we played the guy who was the president of the Black Panthers, or king or prince or whatever. And that guy and what he did, what he said prior to the current head of the Black Panthers and that was kill all white people, but you've got to kill babies and you've got to kill mothers because mothers are the baby making machines and they will be predators. Those babies will be predators because the white man is the oppressor.

Then we played for you the audio of the Weather Underground saying kill all white children because they grow up to be the oppressor. That let you know that the Weather Underground was not a socialist/communist movement as much as it was an organization designed for whites to start a race war in America to help blacks.

Now, I don't think that these guys actually believe in any of this — I believe they believe the things they say, but I don't believe they are spiritual in nature. But there's a reason for whites to start a race war to help the blacks if you understand Black Liberation Theology. This is Jeremiah Wright's theology. It is the Panthers' theology. It is Black Liberation Theology, the Panthers are the Black Liberation Army. It all goes to collective salvation.

Now, I want to play — this is the guy who is the founder of the Black Liberation Theology. This was — it may still be — on Jeremiah Wright's website everywhere, all of these books and everything else. Cone is the name of this theologian, and I want you to hear. First clip is about what, Pat?

PAT: The violence of, institutional violence.

GLENN: Institutional violence. Listen to this. All power, institution, institutional power, all power is violent.

CONE: The group that has institutional power, they are violent. Therefore the mainline denominations in this country have been violent against black people.

GLENN: Don't know how we got there but that's where he's taking you. So your institutional power of your churches, racist. But then he goes on to, you have to understand that Jesus was a black man, and to me it doesn't matter what color Jesus was. Doesn't matter. But Jesus was a black man and the crucifixion takes on a whole new meaning.

CONE: Well, I think the cross, the crucifixion of Jesus.

GLENN: Yes.

VOICE: Was the first intervention and it was very violent. It was Jesus was lynched. Well, America has a tradition of lynching.

GLENN: Okay. So we've gone from the crucifixion of Jesus being the first lynching to America and its institutional mainline churches being racist and America having a history of lynching.

Now, why would whites start a race war like a Weather Underground wanted to start? Why would you do that? Well, I believe personally that these guys want chaos because chaos, if they're in power, chaos allows them then just to seize the system. But there's also this religious underpinning for whites to start a race war.

VOICE: Well, the cross, as I said, is God taking the side of the victim. It's a symbol of that. God making ultimate identification with the powerless. Now, if the powerful in our society, the white people, if they want to become Christians, they have to give up that power and become identified with the powerless, if you are going to be a Christian. You can't be identified with the powerful and also a Christian at the same time. That's a contradiction of terms.

Now, how do I, how do I know that you really are identifying with the victim? Well, if you are identifying with the victim, you not only want to feel good about that, you also have to pay back that which you took. You just don't say please forgive me now. The only way in which your repentance, your forgiveness can be authentic, your reception of it can be authentic, your repentance can be authentic is that you give back what you took.

GLENN: Okay. So reparations are imperative. You must step down. And reparations are imperative or you are not saved. Understand that. You cannot be saved through the atoning power of Jesus Christ unless you perform acts of reparations, if you are powerful and/or white. Listen to the words of the president of the United States who found Jesus through Jeremiah Wright, a preacher of Black Liberation Theology. Listen to what he just said here.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: And recognizing that my fate remain tied up with their fates, that my individual salvation is not going to come about without a collective salvation for the country. Unfortunately I think that recognition requires that we make sacrifices, and this country has not always been willing to make the sacrifices that are necessary to bring about a new day and a new age.

GLENN: So our salvation is tied into our sacrifice of, he didn't state it here, but he did state earlier, this is where he talked about the white rich executive. Do you have this clip? The white rich executive doesn't want to pay for blacks going to school in the inner cities. That's how this clip starts. And that we all have a responsibility. Listen.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: And I really want to emphasize the word "Responsibility." I think that whether you are a white executive living out in the suburbs who doesn't want to pay taxes to inner city children for them to go to school. I worked as a community organizer in Chicago.

GLENN: Got it? This also may play a role in our FCC czar. If you remember the audio of him saying we all have to decide who's going to step down and give someone else a chance. That is the Cone Black Liberation Theology in a nutshell. If you have power, it is time for you to step down. And if you won't, they will force you because then you are part of the oppressor and the oppressive regime. So we all have to decide who's going to step down to give someone else a try.

VOICE: We need a media responsible to promote Democratic dialogue. We need media independent of corporations. If we really want news that we can trust, we must create a structure that makes it possible, and we must pay for it. One way to do this is to require commercial media to pay full fare for their access to public resources and use that money to fully support public service media in the United States. A modern equivalent of the post office would be independent from both partisan and corporate pressure, unlike our current structure. And unlike our current structure, it must be truly accountable to local communities through Democratic means. I would say these steps were radical if they were not consistent with the founders. And I would also say that unless we take these steps, we can only expect the continuation of the sort of yellow journalism we are experiencing today.

PAT: That's a different cut but that's —

GLENN: The same kind of rhetoric. It's still kind of — it still kind of works.

All right. So here's what I want you to do. I need you to be a watchdog and I need you to go through all the audio that you possibly can, anything. Black Liberation Theology, Black Panthers, reverence, white, black, doesn't matter. Anybody who is in the Weather Underground, old film clips, old documentaries, anything from any of the 1960s radicals. Look for what they were saying and please send them to me. Do it on the Twitter account at Glenn Beck, do it at Becktips@FoxNews.com. I will tell you that fills up rapidly. But I need you to pull it off and I need you to archive it. Burn it to a DVD. Because a lot of times these will be scrubbed.

I also would like to ask if anyone will go through all of the Reverend Jeremiah Wright texts looking for this context: Collective salvation. This is critical because it ties the left together. It is a part of social justice. If you can do none of those things, I ask you to do this: I ask you to unite with people and be peaceful. These guys need a response. This is what they've been waiting for. They want a race war. We must be peaceful people. They are going to poke and poke and poke, and our government is going to stand by and let them do it. We must take the role of Martin Luther King because I do not believe that Martin Luther King believed in kill all white babies. And this forces them into a decision: Was Martin Luther King a radical and we have been lied to all of these years; or did he actually mean content of character, not the color of the skin. Because that's what America united on. So the radicals who are now in charge are going to have to decide which Martin Luther King is it: The one we've been told for all these years or the one you'd like to introduce now to us and try to make us believe that's who he was. Which is it? I'm going to stick with the peaceful man who knew that justice was God's and that if they stood peacefully, America would choose right.

[NOTE: Transcript may have been edited to enhance readability - audio archive includes full segment as it was originally aired]

On Wednesday's TV show, Glenn Beck sat down with radio show host, author, political commentator, and film critic, Michael Medved.

Michael had an interesting prediction for the 2020 election outcome: a brokered convention by the DNC will usher in former First Lady Michelle Obama to run against President Donald Trump.

Watch the video below to hear why he's making this surprising forecast:

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Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

On Thursday's "Glenn Beck Radio Program," BlazeTV's White House correspondent Jon Miller described the current situation in Virginia after Gov. Ralph Northam (D) declared a state of emergency and banned people carrying guns at Capitol Square just days before a pro-Second-Amendment rally scheduled on Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

Jon told Glenn that Gov. Northam and the Virginia Legislature are "trying to deprive the people of their Second Amendment rights" but the citizens of Virginia are "rising up" to defend their constitutional rights.

"I do think this is the flashpoint," Jon said. "They [Virginia lawmakers] are saying, 'You cannot exercise your rights ... and instead of trying to de-escalate the situation, we are putting pressure. We're trying to escalate it and we're trying to enrage the citizenry even more'."

Glenn noted how Gov. Northam initially blamed the threat of violence from Antifa for his decision to ban weapons but quickly changed his narrative to blame "white supremacists" to vilify the people who are standing up for the Second Amendment and the Constitution.

"What he's doing is, he's making all all the law-abiding citizens of Virginia into white supremacists," Glenn said.

"Sadly, that's exactly right," Jon replied. "And I think he knows exactly what he's doing."

Watch the video to catch more of the conversation below:

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To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.

Ryan: Trump Louisiana Finale

Photo by Jim Dale

Part One. Part Two. Part Three.

At the end of Trump rallies, I would throw on my Carhartt jacket, sneak out of the press area, then blend in with everyone as they left, filing out through swinging doors.

Often, someone held the door open for me. Just 30 minutes earlier, the same person had most likely had most likely hissed at me for being a journalist. And now they were Sunday smiles and "Oh, yes, thank you, sir" like some redneck concierge.

People flooded out of the arena with the stupidity of a fire drill mishap, desperate to survive.

The air smacked you as soon as you crossed the threshold, back into Louisiana. And the lawn was a wasteland of camping chairs and coolers and shopping bags and to-go containers and soda cans and articles of clothing and even a few tents.

In Monroe, in the dark, the Trump supporters bobbled over mounds of waste like elephants trying to tiptoe. And the trash was as neutral to them as concrete or grass. They plodded over it because it, an object, had somehow gotten in their way.

It did not matter that they were responsible for this wreckage.Out in the sharp-edged moonlight, rally-goers hooted and yapped and boogied and danced, and the bbq food truck was all smoke and paper plates.

They were even more pumped than they had been before the rally, like 6,000 eight year olds who'd been chugging Mountain Dew for hours. Which made Donald Trump the father, the trooper, God of the Underworld, Mr. Elite, Sheriff on high horse, the AR-15 sticker of the family.

Ritualistic mayhem, all at once. And, there in Louisiana, Trump's supporters had gotten a taste of it. They were all so happy. It bordered on rage.

Still, I could not imagine their view of America. Worse, after a day of strange hostilities, I did not care.

My highest priority, my job as a reporter, was to care. To understand them and the world that they inhabit. But I did not give a damn and I never wanted to come back.

Worst of all, I would be back. In less than a week.

Was this how dogs felt on the 4th of July? Hunched in a corner while everyone else gets drunk and launches wailing light into the sky? configurations of blue and red and white.

It was 10:00 p.m. and we'd been traveling since 11:00 a.m., and we still had 5 hours to go and all I wanted was a home, my home, any home, just not here, in the cold sweat of this nowhere. Grey-mangled sky. No evidence of planes or satellites or any proof of modern-day. Just century-old bridges that trains shuffled over one clack at a time.

And casinos, all spangles and neon like the 1960s in Las Vegas. Kitchy and dumb, too tacky for lighthearted gambling. And only in the nicer cities, like Shreveport, which is not nice at all.

And swamp. Black water that rarely shimmered. Inhabited by gadflies and leeches and not one single fish that was pretty.

Full of alligators, and other killing types. The storks gnawing on frogs, the vultures never hungry. The coyotes with nobody to stop them and so much land to themselves. The roaches in the wild, like tiny wildebeests.

Then, the occasional deer carcass on the side of the road, eyes splayed as if distracted, tongue out, relaxed but empty. The diseased willows like skeletons in hairnets. The owls that never quit staring. A million facets of wilderness that would outlive us all.

Because Nature has poise. It thrives and is original.

Because silence is impossible. Even in an anechoic chamber, perfectly soundproofed, you can hear your own heartbeat, steady as a drum. A never-ending war.

I put "Headache" by Grouper on repeat as we glided west. We were deadlocked to asphalt, rubber over tarface.

And I thought about lines from a Rita Dove poem titled "I have been a stranger in a strange land"

He was off cataloging the universe, probably,
pretending he could organize
what was clearly someone else's chaos.

Wasn't that exactly what I was doing? Looking for an impossible answer, examining every single accident, eager for meaning? telling myself, "If it happens and matters the next year, in America, I want to be there, or to know what it means. I owe it to whoever cares to listen."

Humans are collectors and I had gone overboard.

Because maybe this wasn't even my home. These landmarks, what did they mean? Was I obvious here? When I smiled, did I trick them into believing that I felt some vague sense of approval? Or did my expressions betray me?

Out in all that garbage-streaked emptiness — despite the occasional burst of passing halogen — I couldn't tell if everything we encountered was haunted or just old, derelict, broken, useless. One never-ending landfill.

Around those parts, they'd made everything into junk. Homes. Roads. Glass. Nature. Life itself, they made into junk.

I cringed as we passed yet another deer carcass mounded on the side of the road.

As written in Job 35:11,

Who teaches us more than the beasts of the earth and makes us wiser than the birds in the sky?

Nobody. Look at nature and you feel something powerful. Look at an animal, in all of its untamable majesty, and you capture a deep love, all swept up in the power of creation. But, here, all I saw were poor creatures who people had slammed into and kept driving. Driving to where? For what reason? What exactly was so important that they left a trail of dead animals behind them?

So I crossed myself dolorously and said an "Our Father" and recited a stanza from Charles Bukowski's "The Laughing Heart"

you can't beat death but
you can beat death in life, sometimes.
and the more often you learn to do it,
the more light there will be.

Out here, nothing but darkness. Needing some light, by God. Give me something better than a Moon that hides like an underfed coward.

Jade told me about some of the more traumatic things she'd seen while working at the State Fair.

"Bro, they pull roaches out of the iced lemonade jugs and act like nothing happened."

"All right but what about the corn dogs?"

"You do not want to know, little bro."

She looked around in the quiet. "Back in the day, the Louisiana Congress refused to raise the drinking age from 18 to 21," she said. "They didn't want to lose all that drunk gambler money. So the federal government cut off funding to highways."

We glided through moon-pale landscape for an hour before I realized what she had meant. That there weren't any light poles or billboards along the road. Nothing to guide us or distract us. Just us, alone. And it felt like outer space had collapsed, swallowed us like jellybeans.

Like two teenagers playing a prank on the universe.

In the cozy Subaru Crosstrek, in the old wild night, brimming with the uncertainty of life and the nonchalance of failure, we paraded ourselves back to Dallas. Alive in the river silence that follows us everywhere.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Next, the Iowa caucuses. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

The Iowa primary is just around the corner, and concerns of election interference from the last presidential election still loom. Back in 2016, The Associated Press found that a majority of U.S. elections systems still use Windows 7 as an operating system, making them highly susceptible to bugs and errors. And last year, a Mississippi voter tried multiple times to vote for the candidate of his choice, but the system continuously switched his vote to the other candidate. It's pretty clear: America's voting systems desperately need an update.

That's where blockchain voting comes in.

Blockchain voting is a record-keeping system that's 100% verifiable and nearly impossible to hack. Blockchain, the newest innovation in cybersecurity, is set to grow into a $20 billion industry by 2025. Its genius is in its decentralized nature, distributing information throughout a network of computers, requiring would-be hackers to infiltrate a much larger system. Infiltrating multiple access points spread across many computers requires a significant amount of computing power, which often costs more than hackers expect to get in return.

Blockchain voting wouldn't allow for many weak spots. For instance, Voatz, arguably the leading mobile voting platform, requires a person to take a picture of their government-issued ID and a picture of themselves before voting (a feature, of course, not present in vote-by-mail, where the only form of identity verification is a handwritten signature, which is easily forgeable). Voters select their choices and hit submit. They then receive an immediate receipt of their choices via email, another security feature not present in vote-by-mail, or even in-person voting. And because the system operates on blockchain technology, it's nearly impossible to tamper with.

Votes are then tabulated, and the election results are published, providing a paper trail, which is a top priority for elections security experts.

The benefits of blockchain voting can't be dismissed. Folks can cast their vote from the comfort of their homes, offices, etc., vastly increasing the number of people who can participate in the electoral process. Two to three-hour lines at polling places, which often deter voters, would become significantly diminished.

Even outside of the voting increase, the upsides are manifold. Thanks to the photo identification requirements, voter fraud—whether real or merely suspected—would be eliminated. The environment would win, too, since we'd no longer be wasting paper on mail-in ballots. Moreover, the financial burden on election offices would be alleviated, because there's decreased staff time spent on the election, saving the taxpayer money.

From Oregon to West Virginia, elections offices have already implemented blockchain voting, and the results have been highly positive. For example, the city of Denver utilized mobile voting for overseas voters in their 2019 municipal elections. The system was secure and free of technical errors, and participants reported that it was very user-friendly. Utah County used the same system for their 2019 primary and general elections. An independent audit revealed that every vote that was cast on the app was counted and counted correctly. These successful test cases are laying the groundwork for even larger expansions of the program in 2020.

With this vital switch, our elections become significantly more secure, accurate, and efficient. But right now, our election infrastructure is a sitting duck for manipulation. Our current lack of election integrity undermines the results of both local and national elections, fans the flames of partisanship, and zaps voter confidence in the democratic system. While there's never a silver bullet or quick fix to those kinds of things, blockchain voting would push us much closer to a solution than anything else.

Chris Harelson is the Executive Director at Prosperity Council and a Young Voices contributor.