No Respect?

GLENN: I'm here now with a gentleman that John McCain said, and I want to quote him exactly. He wasn't really one of the most respected senators when he was in the Senate.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Thank you, thank you.


 


 GLENN: Rick Santorum, how are you?


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Thank you, I'm doing great.


 


 GLENN: I would take that as a compliment. If John McCain, if John McCain didn't like you, that's a badge of honor.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Well, I don't know if I would say John McCain didn't like me but obviously he didn't respect me.


 


 GLENN: You don't care. You can like me, just don't respect me. Are you that cheap?


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: I don't think we need to get personal, do we, Glenn? I mean, you know, this is no reason to do that. It's just a matter of respect.


 


 GLENN: I think I would rather have the respect than like.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Yeah. Me, too. I know, I didn't know how you don't get respected and get elected by your colleagues three times as the third ranking member of the Republican Senate.


 


 GLENN: Let me tell you something, Rick --


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Didn't respect me, -- doesn't mean they didn't like me.


 


 GLENN: Rick, let me tell you something. You were the third in the Senate, I'm the third most listened to. Anyone can be number three.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: You know what, I never really thought of it that way. Thank you.


 


 GLENN: Yeah. This isn't good for your self-esteem today, is it?


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: This is really the message to hear. I appreciate it. I'll talk to you later, Glenn.


 


 GLENN: You are like me. This week I wanted to pull my car into the garage, bring the door down, unroll the windows and just listen to some music. You know what I'm saying? Holy cow.


 


 Okay, let's start with what happened yesterday at CPAC.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: I think I have not talked to Governor Romney, we've had a couple of misses. All I can say is the California situation, I think this was really a blow to him and, you know, we were coming out of there with virtually no delegates, put McCain in a position there. We were talking before super Tuesday that, you know, McCain was at 600, 700 delegates, he still was, you know, just a little bit better than halfway there and there was still a chance to get this thing to a convention by picking up a little moment up after Super Tuesday when he had really just a huge sweep of delegates in California, was over 800 delegates, 2/3 of the way there, still half the delegates to pick but when you're 2/3 of the way there and you are 500 or 600 votes ahead of the other guy, it just wasn't happen. So I think Governor Romney did what I think he said. He was going to fight where there wasn't really a chance for him to win anymore. And, you know, look. He did. He fought very hard. He sacrificed a lot, including a lot of his own money and he gave it a good fight and it just wasn't there.


 


 GLENN: You know, I talked to Governor Romney, you know, in one of our secret meetings in the basements of our churches where we were making lime Jell-O with, you know, carrot shreds in them and I said to him, you know, uphill battle, and this was right before Florida. And he said, if I don't make Florida, I just don't know how we're going to be able to make it, I just don't think that it's going to happen. So I think he put on a brave face for Super Tuesday because the polls showed California. But when California was done, he was done.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Yeah, I don't see -- I mean, I talked to him. I was on the plane with him on Sunday and Monday traveling with him to Missouri and Tennessee and Georgia and they were hitting all these polls saying he was ahead in California. I'm just scratching my head and saying, I don't see -- I mean, I'm not in California enough to know. There's some conservatives out there but there are a heck of a lot more moderates and liberals in the Republican party in Californian there are conservatives and I don't see how Mitt Romney, you know, pulls it off and I think it wasn't there but he -- I mean, he fought to the end.


 


 GLENN: I think there was enough. Where he -- you know, I think the problem was, and I think where he could have connected in California is on the economy and I just don't think he hit that early enough and he didn't -- he just didn't connect strongly enough with "I'm the guy to turn the country around and here's what's coming."


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: Yeah, I think you are absolutely right. I mean, he's, you know, really the guru of venture capital world out there. This is a guy who, you know, really understands what makes companies tick, how do you create jobs. I mean, how do you turn companies around, how do you -- the guy's brilliant.


 


 GLENN: Yeah.


 


 SENATOR SANTORUM: And he had a great economic plan and, you know, he looks the part of someone who knows what he's -- is in charge. And I don't know. I think almost the issue sort of came up late. I mean, you know the last couple of months is when the economy started to turn and I'm not sure they adjusted their message. I think they still tried to appeal sort of the rock conservative base, that was the campaign that he was focused on and I think he could have broadened his base had he really focused more on the economic message but, you know, maybe next time.

Most self-proclaimed Marxists know very little about Marxism. Some of them have all the buzzwords memorized. They talk about the exploits of labor. They talk about the slavery of capitalist society and the alienation caused by capital. They talk about the evils of power and domination.

But they don't actually believe what they say. Or else they wouldn't be such violent hypocrites. And we're not being dramatic when we say "violent."

For them, Marxism is a political tool that they use to degrade and annoy their political enemies.

They don't actually care about the working class.

Another important thing to remember about Marxists is that they talk about how they want to defend the working class, but they don't actually understand the working class. They definitely don't realize that the working class is composed mostly of so many of the people they hate. Because, here's the thing, they don't actually care about the working class. Or the middle class. They wouldn't have the slightest clue how to actually work, not the way we do. For them, work involves ranting about how work and labor are evil.

Ironically, if their communist utopia actually arrived, they would be the first ones against the wall. Because they have nothing to offer except dissent. They have no practical use and no real connection to reality.

Again ironically, they are the ultimate proof of the success of capitalism. The fact that they can freely call for its demise, in tweets that they send from their capitalistic iPhones, is proof that capitalism affords them tremendous luxuries.

Their specialty is complaining. They are fanatics of a religion that is endlessly cynical.

They sneer at Christianity for promising Heaven in exchange for good deeds on earth — which is a terrible description of Christianity, but it's what they actually believe — and at the same time they criticize Christianity for promising a utopia, they give their unconditional devotion to a religion that promises a utopia.

They are fanatics of a religion that is endlessly cynical.

They think capitalism has turned us into machines. Which is a bad interpretation of Marx's concept of the General Intellect, the idea that humans are the ones who create machines, so humans, not God, are the creators.

They think that the only way to achieve the perfect society is by radically changing and even destroying the current society. It's what they mean when they say things about the "status quo" and "hegemony" and the "established order." They believe that the system is broken and the way to fix it is to destroy, destroy, destroy.

Critical race theory actually takes it a step farther. It tells us that the racist system can never be changed. That racism is the original sin that white people can never overcome. Of course, critical race theorists suggest "alternative institutions," but these "alternative institutions" are basically the same as the ones we have now, only less effective and actually racist.

Marx's violent revolution never happened. Or at least it never succeeded. Marx's followers have had to take a different approach. And now, we are living through the Revolution of Constant Whining.

This post is part of a series on critical race theory. Read the full series here.

Americans are losing faith in our justice system and the idea that legal consequences are applied equally — even to powerful elites in office.

Rep. Devin Nunes (R-CA) joined Glenn Beck on the radio program to detail what he believes will come next with the Durham investigation, which hopefully will provide answers to the Obama FBI's alleged attempts to sabotage former President Donald Trump and his campaign years ago.

Rep. Nunes and Glenn assert that we know Trump did NOT collude with Russia, and that several members of the FBI possibly committed huge abuses of power. So, when will we see justice?

Watch the video clip below:


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The corporate media is doing everything it can to protect Dr. Anthony Fauci after Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) roasted him for allegedly lying to Congress about funding gain-of-function research in Wuhan, China.

During an extremely heated exchange at a Senate hearing on Tuesday, Sen. Paul challenged Dr. Fauci — who, as the director of the National Institute of Allergies and Infectious Diseases, oversees research programs at the National Institute of Health — on whether the NIH funded dangerous gain-of-function research at the Wuhan Institute of Virology.

Dr. Fauci denied the claims, but as Sen. Paul knows, there are documents that prove Dr. Fauci's NIH was funding gain-of-function research in the Wuhan biolab before COVID-19 broke out in China.

On "The Glenn Beck Program," Glenn and Producer Stu Burguiere presented the proof, because Dr. Fauci's shifting defenses don't change the truth.

Watch the video clip below:

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Critical race theory: A special brand of evil

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Part of what makes it hard for us to challenge the left is that their beliefs are complicated. We don't mean complicated in a positive way. They aren't complicated the way love is complicated. They're complicated because there's no good explanation for them, no basis in reality.

The left cannot pull their heads out of the clouds. They are stuck on romantic ideas, abstract ideas, universal ideas. They talk in theories. They see the world through ideologies. They cannot divorce themselves from their own academic fixations. And — contrary to what they believe and how they act — it's not because leftists are smarter than the rest of us. And studies have repeatedly shown that leftists are the least happy people in the country. Marx was no different. The Communist Manifesto talks about how the rise of cities "rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life."

Studies have repeatedly shown that leftists are the least happy people in the country.

Instead of admitting that they're pathological hypocrites, they tell us that we're dumb and tell us to educate ourselves. Okay, so we educate ourselves; we return with a coherent argument. Then they say, "Well, you can't actually understand what you just said unless you understand the work of this other obscure Marxist writer. So educate yourselves more."

It's basically the "No True Scotsman" fallacy, the idea that when you point out a flaw in someone's argument, they say, "Well, that's a bad example."

After a while, it becomes obvious that there is no final destination for their bread-crumb trail. Everything they say is based on something that somebody else said, which is based on something somebody else said.

Take critical race theory. We're sure you've noticed by now that it is not evidence-based — at all. It is not, as academics say, a quantitative method. It doesn't use objective facts and data to arrive at conclusions. Probably because most of those conclusions don't have any basis in reality.

Critical race theory is based on feelings. These feelings are based on theories that are also based on feelings.

We wanted to trace the history of critical race theory back to the point where its special brand of evil began. What allowed it to become the toxic, racist monster that it is today?

Later, we'll tell you about some of the snobs who created critical theory, which laid the groundwork for CRT. But if you follow the bread-crumb trail from their ideas, you wind up with Marxism.

For years, the staff has devoted a lot of time to researching Marxism. We have read a lot of Marx and Marxist writing. It's part of our promise to you to be as informed as possible, so that you know where to go for answers; so that you know what to say when your back is up against the wall. What happens when we take the bread-crumb trail back farther, past Marxism? What is it based on?

This is the point where Marxism became Marxism and not just extra-angry socialism.

It's actually based on the work of one of the most important philosophers in human history, a 19th-century German philosopher named Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel.

This is the point where Marxism became Marxism and not just extra-angry socialism. And, as you'll see in just a bit, if we look at Hegel's actual ideas, it's obvious that Marx completely misrepresented them in order to confirm his own fantasies.

So, in a way, that's where the bread-crumb trail ends: With Marx's misrepresentation of an incredibly important, incredibly useful philosophy, a philosophy that's actually pretty conservative.

This post is part of a series on critical race theory. Read the full series here.