Stu's 2 minute investigation


More Proof?

Email records show Glenn wondering who would be on the train in the 'reserved seats'...

GLENN: I think it was, I think it was that I said ‑‑ but I wasn't really even sure. I think it was that I said that I walked up to Barbara Walters. Because I remember I listened back ‑‑ what was it, three days ago, two days ago? I listened back to it on the air on this program. And I said, no, no, that's not exactly true; I didn't walk up to her. Remember?

STU: Yeah, you were going into the investigation.

GLENN: Oh, you have an investigation?

STU: There's a full‑fledged investigation on this.

GLENN: Oh, hang on just a second. We have an investigation. Hold on, Steve, this is good stuff. Go ahead.

STU: Yes, this is another in a series of Stu's two‑minute investigations where I do approximately two minutes of work to prove an entire story false.

GLENN: This is great because this is the two minutes that apparently the press won't ever do on stories.

STU: Yes.

GLENN: There was a big ‑‑ what was the big Internet scam that happened? Oh, it was on the tea parties. It was on the tea parties and the 9/12er that was like, hey, we should burn all the books. And nobody spent two minutes. So Stu, what he does is he caps himself: I'm only going to do two minutes of work on this. What did you find in a two‑minute investigation?

STU: Well, first of all I had to answer the question the caller just asked which is what were they accusing you of lying about.

GLENN: Yes.

STU: Two things that I came up with. Number one, that their seats on Amtrak were not reserved. Now, they were saying they were not reserved but the Amtrak employee was saying that they were.

GLENN: Yes.

STU: Okay? Now, I am doubting that Whoopi Goldberg or Barbara Walters called 1‑800‑Amtrak or in Barbara Walters' case picked up a phone and waited for an operator to ask where they want to call and say Amtrak, please, that whole thing. But if they did not ‑‑

GLENN: "Hey, ring up the train."

STU: Crank the phone.

GLENN: Call the choo‑choo.

STU: Right. So, you know, now I don't know how ‑‑ again we're going to go into this in a second, how exactly you knew before the stop that these were going to be reserved. But we'll get into that in a moment.

GLENN: Yes.

STU: But let's go into the second lie because this is the more easy one to prove.

GLENN: This is the one, I think this is the one that they were going after.

STU: You said Barbara called you over and it was the other way around. This was the accusation of that, okay?

GLENN: Yes. That she said that, "Glenn Beck, come hither" or whatever. And then I walked over to her. Which is not the way it happened.

STU: Right. Now, if that were true, what difference would it make to the story, first of all?

GLENN: No difference.

STU: No difference. Has no relevance whatsoever. Was it some of the worst, most pointless moments on television?

GLENN: Yes, it was.

STU: Yes, it was. But the consensus is that you did say something wrong here. Even you conceded this point multiple times, on The View and on Fox last night. You conceded that you said something wrong.

GLENN: And I also said it on the air before, I believe.

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STU: Right.

GLENN: Yeah.

STU: So here we go. Upon further investigation ‑‑ this is again the two minutes.

GLENN: This is two minutes.

STU: Where I actually listened to what you said.

GLENN: Okay.

STU: We've come up with an incredible truth. This is Cut 4, Dan. You didn't say that at all. Never did you say anything like Barbara came over to me. Listen for it and listen very closely. When you hear this:

(BEGIN AUDIO CLIP)

GLENN: Now, as the train took off and Barbara said, Glenn Beck. And I said, yes, Mrs. Walters, how are you? I walked up, so you know, I walked up to Ms. ‑‑ because she was looking at me. And I don't know if she was just looking at me and thinking about somebody else or, you know, just ‑‑ you know how sometimes you'll just be staring at people and you just don't even know you're staring at them?

STU: Right.

GLENN: Okay, stop.

(END AUDIO CLIP)

STU: So this is the retelling of the story.

GLENN: Which is before The View.

STU: So you clarify it. But if you listen to the audio, Dan, if we could play the stuff they played on The View, then you can clarify. You clarified something you didn't need to clarify. At no point did you actually say that Barbara came up to you first. Listen to the audio.

(BEGIN AUDIO CLIP)

GLENN: And so there were four seats at this table and it was empty. So we get in and we sit down at the table and the lady says, no, no, no, no, you can't take those. Why not? They're reserve. They're reserved? I didn't ‑‑ you can't reserve ‑‑ no, no, these are reserved.

Now, I'm thinking Joe "Amtrak" Biden is getting onto the train because you cannot reserve a seat on Amtrak. They don't do it. Well, all of a sudden the police enter. "Clear the path." It's Barbara Walters and Whoopi Goldberg, oh, and Steve Kroft. How did they reserve seats on Amtrak when you can't reserve seats on Amtrak? Now, as the train took off and Barbara said, "Glenn Beck."

(END AUDIO CLIP)

STU: Okay, that's all you need to hear, but that's the whole point. So the train takes off and Barbara says something to you.

GLENN: And she didn't ‑‑ okay. So here's the way it happened. She didn't say, "Glenn Beck." I said, "Ms. Walters, Glenn Beck." And she said, "Yes, you're going to be on The View coming up." That's what she said.

STU: Why didn't you say what the Amtrak conductor said during that time?

GLENN: Because he may have said, "Tickets?" He may have said that.

STU: Now, is it because "Tickets" isn't relevant at all to the conversation?

GLENN: Yes.

STU: So what you are saying is you may have jumped in to a relevant point in the conversation. At no point did you say Barbara came over to me. You just said the train left and Barbara said this.

GLENN: Right.

STU: Not, and the worst part is in the very odd case that it may have implied that Barbara came up to you, for no good reason later on the radio, you clarified it, as we played earlier, and you said, oh, no, Barbara actually didn't come up to me; I came up to her.

GLENN: I believe that Whoopi Goldberg does not think that those seats were reserved. I don't think she, I don't think she calls to have them reserved. I just, this is my speculation. We never got to this part. We never got to ‑‑ we never got to any of that. Any reasonable people would have sat around and said, "So wait a minute, they told you what?" And we would have laughed about it. As my wife said last night, "Women." And I said, what does that mean? And she said, do you think, Glenn, if you would have gotten on television, it would have been a bunch of guys, you would have said, what the hell was up with that? I didn't do that. It wasn't reserved. Really? Wasn't reserved? And you wouldn't have had a conversation about it. She said this is what women do. And I said, no, I just think this is what people with an agenda do. But so we never really had an actual conversation on this. I believe that Whoopi also doesn't believe that she had any kind of special treatment, that they didn't reserve those seats.

STU: That was the point of the whole monologue.

GLENN: Right. Somebody reserved those seats because we were not allowed to sit in them. They had them all covered with papers and we couldn't sit in them. When we got onto the train, they walked in. Steve Kroft did not sit with them. The police walked them up to those seats. Barbara said, "You want to sit here?" They sat there. But that's where the police were standing, standing right there. That's when the person who told us they were reserved took all of those papers up and moved them off. I mean, so now, does Barbara even know? This goes back to my point that Barbara has been living in such an elitist sort of world for so long and, you know, she's, you know ‑‑ and I think that she has now gotten to the point to where she doesn't even know. She doesn't even know. "I think that's the way I always, I just happened to find those seats there." Somebody called to reserve those seats and if it wasn't Barbara Walters and Whoopi Goldberg that were supposed to sit in those seats, who was it? Who was the celebrity that was supposed to ‑‑ now, I haven't done my journalistic , you know ‑‑ because I'm not a journalist. I didn't call Amtrak to find out who it was, what celebrity didn't sit in those seats. But the lady who said they were saved, for someone in New York and you would see when we got into New York who it was and you'd be all excited and then she looked at us and she kind of like went, huh? You know, I just thought it was ‑‑ it's at least who I believe the Amtrak lady thought was sitting there.

STU: Right. So as we look at this, we learned that when you say something that they said was wrong, they called you a liar, okay? Now, when you ‑‑ when they came out and said, "Oh, well, you kept saying Barbara came over here; that's a lie." By their own definition, they're lying when they say that. So you didn't ‑‑ we looked at the audio. You have not said that. We've listened to it all. So you didn't say the supposed lie they accused you of. They didn't do the fact checking of actually listening to the audio of what you said. Then they didn't do the fact checking of finding out if you had further clarified it on another radio show, which you had.

GLENN: Aren't they journalists?

STU: Why? Is it because no one sent Whoopi a link to that particular audio clip? That's the bottom line is no one happens ‑‑

GLENN: See, again I'll take ‑‑ I'll stand up for Whoopi Goldberg.

STU: No, no, Glenn ‑‑

GLENN: Whoopi Goldberg is not a journalist. Whoopi Goldberg does exactly what I do. They talk about the thing. They talk about the things in life. Barbara Walters, however ‑‑

STU: Oh, exactly.

GLENN: Is a different story.

STU: So I don't know what they're doing. They're either ignoring or incompetently look looking for your, as it turns out, unnecessary clarification. So there are a couple of questions to ask Ms. Barbara Walters.

STU: Yes.

GLENN: And I think she said it best, when she said this!

(AUDIO CLIP PLAYS)

STU: I don't know, Barbara. Do we check facts, Barbara?

GLENN: I don't know what kind of tree I'm supposed to be when I'm on your show. Am I a tree that doesn't check facts because that's not what trees do? But you instead, you check your facts but yet you don't check your facts? Wow. Good job, investigative reporter Barbara Walters.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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