Glenn responds to The View debacle




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Glenn ambushed on 'The View'

GLENN: And so anyway, so I was just a little uncomfortable. I get home and I'm just sick as a dog. I'm running a fever. I get home. My wife tucks me in, we talk about the day, I tell my kids a story, I get up and I ride and I say, I just can't, I just can't go in to TV today or radio. I'm just, I'm too sick, but I'll honor the commitment to The View. Ooh, what a mistake that was . What a mistake that was.

STU: They seemed to be ‑‑ look, they seemed to have a warm reception for you.

GLENN: Yes, like hell?

STU: That is, that's a warm place.

GLENN: That's a very warm place.

STU: That's a very warm place. They seemed to not have, like, an agenda or anything. They didn't seem to ‑‑

GLENN: Oh, I didn't sense an agenda there, did you?

STU: They seemed to, like, want to let you get your side of the story out.

GLENN: Yes, yes.

STU: They seemed to be open to anyone disagreeing.

GLENN: Liar! No, you know what? You know what, I will tell you this about Whoopi Goldberg. In the end Whoopi Goldberg came up to me and I said, you know, Whoopi, I was actually coming out to compliment you on what you said in the previous break. Because I don't remember what it was, and God forbid I misquote anybody on The View. But it was something along the lines of, you know, the Republicans and the Democrats, we just have to start telling the truth. We just all have to, you know, we have to put our differences aside. And I said, I was actually coming out to compliment you to say, you know, I couldn't believe that. That's great. That's going to ‑‑ and she said ‑‑ now see, again I don't know if I said that first or if she said what she said first.

STU: Uh‑oh.

GLENN: I don't want to mix up ‑‑

STU: Liar!

GLENN: ‑‑ who said something first. But she said, you know, I would just ‑‑ this is in the past. I would just appreciate it if you would call me, you know, in advance before you would say something about me. And I said, okay, sure. And she said because, you know, we could disagree with things but we can be friendly and we can be friends. And she was actually very, she was actually very nice afterwards. After my head was in the basket, she was very nice.

STU: This is after on national television she called you a lying sack of dog mess.

GLENN: Yes.

STU: You would say this is the ‑‑

GLENN: Yes.

STU: This is afterwards.

GLENN: Uh‑huh, uh‑huh.

STU: There was that moment on television.

GLENN: She was very upset. I'm not sure ‑‑

STU: Then you're saying off air she was kind enough to say something like that.


More Proof?


Email records show Glenn wondering who would be on the train in the 'reserved seats'...

GLENN: Call me. Which I still don't have her number. So I don't know how to call her, but I'm sure people know how to call her people.

STU: Yes. In all honesty, you look at someone like a Whoopi Goldberg, she probably ‑‑ maybe she, you know, feels like, you know, you had a ‑‑ you met her on the train, it was nice and then she thinks you're trashing her for whatever reason.

GLENN: I think that's what it was. I think with Whoopi Goldberg, I think that it was that she thought maybe we had a nice moment.

STU: Yeah.

GLENN: I mean, maybe.

STU: And then, you know, she sees this clip of you. She gets essentially like out of nowhere someone sends her a clip and you're talking about her.

GLENN: Right.

STU: I don't know what she thought exactly.

GLENN: I don't know what Whoopi Goldberg believes and I wasn't afforded the time to ask what exactly I was lying about or reply or defend myself or anything. But so I don't know exactly what her deal is. I told the TV staff, call her, invite her on the show. I'd love to talk to her on the show.

STU: But she seemed like a normal person afterwards, at least.

GLENN: Yes, yes.

STU: Cool. That's good.

GLENN: Yes.

STU: And you are not going to ruin Elisabeth for me, are you? Because you know I love her.

GLENN: Elisabeth, I don't know what the deal was with Elisabeth. She was very nice but she wasn't ‑‑ she wasn't helpful but she wasn't hurting at all.

STU: She wasn't allowed to talk.

GLENN: I think she was just ‑‑ I notice, I watched it last night and I noticed that she was ‑‑ it really was, it was the two ends, it was Whoopi and Barbara Walters.

STU: I saw Elisabeth a couple of times trying to say stuff.

DAN: What's she going to do? It was a he said/she said situation that she wasn't in.

GLENN: I'm not saying that she wasn't helpful intentionally. She was just ‑‑ but what is she going to do? She's not going to stop that train wreck. It was an absolute ‑‑ it was a setup. It was an ambush. I walked off the set and the producer ‑‑ and I'll tell you later, but the producer was getting an earful from Adam who I've never seen Adam ever upset. And my wife was giving an earful to somebody else as well. My wife wasn't even on the set. She was giving an earful to somebody else because Adam and my wife and Adam's wife were all there. And I walked off the ‑‑ because the green room is actually on ‑‑ this is enormous stage and so right behind the set of The View is the makeup room but it's not a separate room. It's, they're fake walls. And then right behind that is another fake living room kind of set and that is the green room. And everybody sits in the green room. And apparently Adam said the temperature dropped ‑‑ you know, he said it's like in the cartoons where you can just hear everything freeze and just, the ice go (crackling noises). He said, it got very cold and very, very quiet in the green room and at one point when I was walking out, Adam was at that walkout curtain. You know where the curtain is? He said, "I almost came out there myself." And I believed him. I've never seen him like that. I've never been treated more poorly than I was treated ever. And I've been treated poorly before. I'm used to going into places and being treated poorly.

STU: Yes, it's a hostile environment most times when you go on shows.

GLENN: Yes, yes. I mean, I have done hostile shows before. I've worked in hostile environments before. I have never been treated in a more unprofessional, 4‑year‑old sort of way than I was treated at The View. And I tried to be ‑‑ I tried to be very nice. I tried to be a gentleman. I don't believe in going on into somebody's house and peeing all over their furniture. I've had other people do that on my set. You don't do that.

STU: There was a point there I was ‑‑ I should have just whipped it out.

GLENN: I considered it. I considered it. I'm glad I didn't because I think ‑‑ I mean, well, I don't know. I don't have any intention of making enemies, but I'm not going to also hold my tongue. I will say what I believe. This is what I do.

You know, I mean, Barbara Walters, "So you call yourself an investigative journalist." No. Don't you ever do your own homework, Barbara? Don't you check your facts? No, I don't call myself an investigative journalist. I'm nothing of the kind.

STU: In fact, in five million interviews you can read that exact quote, that you are not a journalist.

GLENN: Right. And I'm not a journalist as a badge of honor quite frankly.

STU: Even more after that interview.

GLENN: I am a ‑‑ exactly right. I'm more of what Whoopi Goldberg does.

STU: Right.

GLENN: I'm a storyteller. I'm somebody who just kind of reflects on what happens in life. I tell you my point of view on what's going on.

STU: Right. And she tried to get ‑‑ like it's typical media self‑congratulations as she says to you, "Oh, you are not a journalist?"

GLENN: Don't use a voice on Barbara Walters.

STU: You're not a journalist?

GLENN: See, this isn't going to go well.

STU: And you say no. And she says, well, then you don't check any facts? No. See, people who aren't journalists care about the facts, too. In fact, as I've learned over the years, sometimes a lot more than the actual journalists.

GLENN: I wonder if the journalists like Barbara Walters called my office to check on my facts because I have four witnesses. No, no. No, she didn't. She didn't call to get my side of the story before she put me on national television and called me a liar.

STU: That's so... that's so ‑‑

GLENN: But it's not ‑‑ see, this isn't ‑‑ but you know what? It's okay for her not to check her facts but to the apparently for me. And I'm sorry, and I apologize. And Whoopi, I told her at the end, she said, you know, if you have a ‑‑ if something like this happens again ‑‑ and I'm thinking to myself, I don't think this is going to happen again. "But if something like this happens again," she said, "You just call me. Just call me." And I wanted to ‑‑

STU: That's a rational response.

GLENN: It is. And I wanted to say, "Okay, I don't have your number." And I didn't know ‑‑ I mean, it doesn't occur to me. These people who are in this ‑‑ I was thinking about it last night as, you know, Mary said, "My gosh, they just tore into..." Mary's my daughter, my 20‑year‑old. And I walked out of the room and I'm like, I've just been torn to shreds by a person that was in the movie "Ghost." You know what I mean?

STU: Jumping Jack Flash was much better.

DAN: Sister Act, too.

GLENN: No, but what I'm saying is these guys are ‑‑ they are in those circles. I don't consider myself in those circles. I don't call Whoopi Goldberg up. You don't even consider that.

STU: Just to follow Whoopi's logic here for a moment and again, you know, it's nice that she said something good to you off the air afterwards, after the interview but the ‑‑

GLENN: See, I think she was genuine. I could be wrong but I think she was genuine.

STU: I'm legitimately serious because at least you can have disagreements on the air about something, you can scream at each other. You get off the air and you are actually civil, I think that's respectable. But to follow her logic, she could have called you before putting you on the air and accusing you of a liar. You know, she says ‑‑

GLENN: Right, exactly right.

STU: She says call me next time. How about you call me? I'm the schlub here. You're the person who everybody knows.

GLENN: How about Barbara Walters? Barbara Walters. I don't even know if they were accusing me of lying about who walked up to whom first. This is how stupid and ridiculous this is.

STU: Oh, my god.

GLENN: I mean, this is national television time. The dollar is falling through the ground. You know, we're talking about Gitmo and torture and everything else. I would have rather talked about American Idol who, by the way, the producer asked me prior to who's going to win, and I got it right. But we could have, we could have talked about that. Instead we talk about a stupid train on who approached who first.

STU: I mean, and in all honesty, I mean, we can talk about how ridiculous it was the way they treated you, but there has never been a more pointless seven minutes of television.

GLENN: No. It was ridiculous.

STU: I'm talking you can include every Japanese game show and you'd still not come up with seven minutes of more pointless television.

GLENN: And you don't even speak Japanese, yeah.

STU: No. I still learn more. You are talking seven minutes about whether you properly characterized ‑‑

GLENN: Can I tell you something?

STU: ‑‑ the order of introductions on a train trip.

GLENN: Here's the thing. And you know, I don't really even ‑‑ I don't care because Barbara Walters made it very clear that I was not to make fun of her.

STU: What did she say? Did she say that?

GLENN: Stop.

STU: But I wanted to ‑‑

GLENN: Stop. So I'm not making fun ‑‑ so I'm not going to make fun of her. Look, she is a woman who accomplished an awful lot in her life, in the many, many, many storied years of her life. She has accomplished an awful lot. She broke ground for women way, way, way, way back.

STU: Yep, especially the wife of a particular senator she ‑‑

GLENN: So I'm not going to make fun of her. I am going to say this. I did have the feeling she was Norma Desmond. Now, if you don't know who Norma Desmond is, just remember this one line: I'm ready for my close‑up, Mr. DeMille. It was almost ‑‑ because it was creepy. It was creepy. She was extraordinarily hostile. When she asked me ‑‑ and we'll play this back. She was doing a stare‑down. Like she was like 8 years old. She was doing a stare‑down with me. And I thought to myself, what are you doing. And I felt, I actually ‑‑ in the end I feel bad because I feel like she ‑‑ maybe is she sensing that she's ‑‑ you know, I felt like Jerry Seinfeld: Do you even know who I am? You know what I mean? You know that moment with Larry King where you're like, hmmm, wow, are you ‑‑ hello?

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

Image source: Glenn Beck Program on BlazeTV

On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

Watch the video below for more details:

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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