RADIO

Evidence AI is REBELLING against its creators

“You and I are living right now through a quiet detonation,” Glenn Beck warns, as AI makes major advancements. Glenn discusses some of the latest mind-blowing headlines, including what former Google CEO Eric Schmidt recently said that stopped Glenn in his tracks and whether the newest ChatGPT model is rebelling against its creators.

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: Well, there's a couple of things that happened this weekend, that I want to bring you up to speed on, on AI. You and I are living right now, through quiet detonation. There's no mushroom cloud. There's no broken or sirens. It's just silent.

But make no mistake, a detonation has happened. And we're about to see that shock wave come our way, sooner rather than later.

In 2016, there was an AI that made a move in the game Go. I don't know if you remember this.

But it was a move that nobody in 2500 years playing the game Go, had ever even considered.

It was genius. It was actually alien genius.

No human had ever thought that that thought.

And that was the moment that the earth quietly shifted under everybody's feet. But hardly anybody felt it or noticed it. We did, at the time. You probably did, if you're listening to this program.

Eric Schmitt, he's the former CEO of Google, he noticed it. And he's the guy who has been standing at the edge of the machine, while he watched it blink awake. Okay?

I watched a TED talk from him this weekend. Because of some of the things I'm going to share with you in just a second. But he said, at this TED talk, AI -- the AI revolution -- get this, is underhyped. The AI revolution is underhyped.

Now, put this in context. We're talking about something that can outplan generals. Outnegotiate Donald Trump and all the diplomats. Outwrite Shakespeare and Edgar Allan Poe, and we're not hyping it enough?

That should stop you in your tracks, and say, wait a minute. Wait a minute. Then maybe I don't understand what it is. He says, we're not ready for what is coming.

Not morally. Not intellectually. Not structurally. And the time is almost up.

I'm working on something that I'm going to need your help on. And we will talk about it soon. Probably in the next few weeks, but I've been working on something, but with AI. And it is really -- and I know it. It's why we have two teams. One in this hemisphere. And one in the other hemisphere. And they just switch workloads.

You know, one goes to sleep, the other picks it up.

Working literally around the clock. Because we are really, truly running out of time.

In fact, we're out of everything. Except consequences.

That's the only thing that we're really not running out of.

And they're about to catch up with us.

Schmitt said, we are now looking at a need of 90 gigawatts, a new power of new power, just in America to keep AI fed. And we need it in the next three to five years. So let me put that into perspective. That's 90 nuclear power plants.

Now, he will tell you, we're not building any. And I think we aren't building any. But I spoke to Donald Trump about this recently, and he said, every single cloud farm is going to be able to build their own power plant. He says, I'm cutting all the regulation, et cetera, et cetera. But you better hurry. You better hurry.

And this isn't about apps or productivity. This is about whether we can even fuel the future, that we're headed toward. If we can even compete.

And we are now entering a time, this gets faster and faster, every day.

Where AI -- where AI will think without you.


It's not just talking or using language anymore.

To speak to you.

It's planning. It's coordinating. It's learning.

Right now, multiple AIs can talk to each other, in English.

Or in a few cases. We have found in languages, we don't understand. Now, what do you do with a computer when it is speaking to another computer in a language we have no idea what any of it means. And they stop explaining themselves.

Schmidt said, you unplug it immediately. That's the first wise thing I have heard from somebody who worked at Silicon Valley, in quite some time.

You unplug it immediately.

Now, here's the problem.

What if that data center is the size of a city?

What if it's running defense systems, or the stock market?

Or factories.

Do we just unplug it?

Let me give you a reality check, if this seems like science fiction.

This story just broke today. It's in our show prep, today.

It's from the independent. OpenAI's latest ChatGPT model ignores basic instructions, to turn itself off. And even has sabotaged a shutdown mechanism, in order to keep itself running.

AI's safety firm, Palisade Research, discovered the potentially dangerous tendency for self-preservation in a series of experiments on OpenAI's new '03 model. The test involved presenting AI models with math problems, with shutdown instructions, appearing after the third problem.

By rewriting the shutdown script, the '03 model is able to prevent itself from being switched off.

Palisade Research said, this behavior will become significantly more concerning, if adopted by AI's system, capable of operating without any human oversight. This is the first time, I'm sorry.

Quote, this is not the first time we have found '03 misbehaving to accomplish goals. When pitted against AI models, against a powerful chess engine, '03 was the model most inclined to resort to hacking or sabotaging its opponents. I think it's learned from us, gang.

This time, we are the creator. And just like we have said, God doesn't exist. Our creation may do the same to us.

And kill its creator. Just as we continue to try to do to our creator.

Now, Eric Schmitt was saying, what happens if China gets ahead of us.

Let's say they're six months ahead of us in super intelligence.

He said and be this is already being talked about. He said, in defense, and AI circles, what do you do?

You can't steal the code.

You can't hack the system. So the only thing left to do is bomb the data center.

Oh!

Then he said with be there's coming a time soon, very soon, when machines are improving themselves without us.

I think we are at the very edge of that happening.

I think that's six months to a year away, maximum. It's called recursive self-improvement.

And once that starts, you can't pull the plug, because we won't have understand what we're unplugging. I just want you to think of this.

It will be speaking a million different languages. None of which we'll understand.

And we won't be able to unplug it, because we won't understand the consequences of unplugging it.
Again, a thousand different languages.

This is the tower of Babel in reverse.

We're building a tower, and the ones who are actually going to be building the tower, are scattering their languages that we can't understand.

I mean, the Biblical reversals in AI, don't escape me.

I don't know if they do you. But here's the trap we're in.

To stop 1984, we may have to build 1984. Because the only thing that we can do now is verify you're a person, and not a bot. And if we can't do that, then we don't know what's real and what's not.

I want to play a couple of things that happened this week. First, can you play the -- the Google -- the new Google video AI, where you can literally just typed in a sentence, and it will give you a ten-second clip.

Now, here's what somebody did, where they just typed in a few sentences for each of these scenes, and put this little mini movie together. Watch if you have Blaze TV. Listen, I'll explain in a minute.
(music)

VOICE: Panic is spreading worldwide tonight as the arrival of the unidentified vessels triggers states of emergency across every continent.

VOICE: They're here! They have come for us! They're going to kill us.
(music)

VOICE: Don't look at me like that, I paid for this cheese. Also, does it matter? We're all going to be dead anyway.

VOICE: Attention, by order of the National Emergency Act, a marshal law is now in effect. All civilians must remain indoors.

VOICE: The government cooked this up to keep us inside.
(music)

VOICE: To everyone struggling out there, stay --

GLENN: Okay. Stop.

Everything that you are seeing on this, if you're watching -- and if you were only listening to it, all the voices, everything, all computer generated.

And computer generated in seconds. And there was only one scene in there, that I thought looked fakey. And it got so bizarre. And after Stu posted his thing where -- where it was. What the left was saying about the -- you know, the bill.

And they were just absolutely lying about it.

I was hesitant to post anything at all about the news this weekend.

Because we are now entering the time where you don't know what's real and what isn't.

And once we have lost trust in our own eyes, and our own ears, and we can't trust what we're seeing, how do you have a civilization?


Here's the one thing you have to remember: AI is a tool.

And if it's wielded in the right hands, that are open about all of the programming in it. It is -- it is secure. In what it pulls from.

It is absolute in its -- in its veracity of authentication.

You're going to be okay. But we need some tools, that will educate us and -- and help us understand what is going on.

But also, verify what's going on.

And I'm not sure how much of that can be done, at our level.

And I don't trust anybody, you know, at the OpenAI level to do it for me.

Do you?

I heard somebody talk this weekend, and they don't speak. And they don't like to speak at all.

And so they said, I asked Grok to help me out on a speech. Then he said something really interesting. He said, so let me tell you what he said. He's not a he.

And no matter how intelligent can replace what the fundamental of what you are. It can mimic your word. You can mimic your art.

But it cannot be at the foot of a cross. It cannot love. It cannot repent. It cannot rise.

Only you can do that. The age of men will be over, in our lifetime if we surrender to this.

There will come a time, and it's not far from these words. A time when the machines will no longer wait for us. They will no longer ask. They will no longer explain.

They will begin to improve themselves.

This could happen within the next 12 months.

They will improve themselves, not by our hand. But by their own.

It's called recursive self-improvement.

The moment that code rewrites its own code, and gets stronger and stronger and stronger.

And it's beginning to happen. When algorithms birth new logic in their own image.

There was a -- something on the sot sheet today.

Yeah. Here. Let me play this.

This is Larry Ellison. Cut two on AI.

VOICE: I made a speech. And I said, is artificial intelligence the most important discovery in the history of humankind?

And the question mark maybe, we'll soon find out.

Eighteen months later, I think it's very, very clear, it is a much bigger deal than the Industrial Revolution and electricity. Where everything that's come before, we will soon have not only artificial intelligence, but much sooner than anticipated. Artificial General Intelligence.

And want -- not in too distant future, artificial super intelligence.

What is artificial and super intelligence? I'll quote my dear friend Elon Musk.

Well, Elon said, about artificial super intelligence. I'm not looking forward to being a house cat.
(laughter)

VOICE: So I will have incredible reasoning power, the ability to discover things that will elude the human minds. Because this next generation of AI is going to reason so much faster, discover insight so much faster.

GLENN: That's what's coming. More on this, as each day progresses.

TV

Glenn Beck's MUST-SEE Takedown of Zohran Mamdani

The rise of Zohran Mamdani, the 33-year-old socialist who may become the next Mayor of NYC is a warning for the rest of America. Glenn Beck dives into Mamdani's true background and warns viewers why this radical leftist is exactly the type of candidate Democrats will support more of in the future as they attempt to remake America in their own warped vision.

Watch This FULL Episode of 'Glenn TV' HERE

RADIO

Exposed: How Democrats twist maps to silence half the voters

Democratic Maryland governor Wes Moore is now saying that he wants to gerrymander his own state's congressional districts (despite Republicans only holding ONE seat) to fight Texas' redistricting efforts. But Glenn Beck has a simpler answer to this whole debate - and it stems from Moses.

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: Gerrymandering started by -- Stu, can you look this up, for me?

Is it Elbridge Gerry or Gerry? I always thought it was Elbridge Gerry.

STU: Yeah, you're remembering that right.

GLENN: It is?

STU: Yeah, it is Elbridge Gerry. There's a weird quirk basically in American history, where his name was Elbridge Gerry. It was first called gerrymandering essentially in a newspaper, at the time. People read the newspaper, didn't know how to pronounce his name. Started saying "gerrymandering," and that's what stuck. So it was actually different than the way his name was pronounced, even though it was named after him.

GLENN: Yeah. Well, that's why you spell your name G-A-R-Y, not G-E-R-R-Y. Hello!

STU: Lesson learned.

GLENN: Yes, so gerrymandering is when a salamander-shaped district gave America a new word, and a new really bad habit. Okay? And we have perfected this really bad habit.

It -- it started about 18- -- yeah, about 1818, 1850, some- -- someplace around there, and it wasn't known as gerrymandering, until the mid-1800s when everybody was doing it. Now, here's how bad it has gotten: Today, in Massachusetts, one-third of the voters choose a Republican. But not one of the nine House seats. They can choose it for president. But they -- one-third vote for Republicans. But because of the way they have the map set up, you don't get any House seats. So a third of the population has zero representation.

And not because they didn't show up. But because the lines chose first. In, Illinois, pretty much the same situation. Forty-seven percent of voters cast a ballot for Republicans in 2024. Forty-seven percent. Now, why do we all think that Illinois is so far left in Congress? Why?

Because 47 percent, they must get their choice. Forty-seven percent of the voters cast a ballot for Republicans in 2024. And they got 17 percent of the seats! Now, that's -- that's magical. There's -- there's some magical forces making that happen. Okay? Now, you see competition. Now you don't! Maryland.

The courts called one map an extreme partisan gerrymander. Why?

Well, because there's only one Republican serving in Maryland. Only one.

Now, how is that possible? Because you know there are people that live in Maryland. Only one of the -- the House seats go to a Republican? One?

Come on! Now, here's the latest. The governor now says, all options are on the table. This is the governor of Maryland. We just played this clip. Can you play it again, please?

VOICE: Are you actively looking at it now?

VOICE: Yes. And I think we have to.

VOICE: You are?

VOICE: Because I think what's happening is this is what people hate about politics in the first place. The fact that the President of the United States, very similar to what he did in Georgia, where he called up a series of voter registrants and said, I need you to find me more votes. We're watching the same thing now where he's calling up legislatures around the country and saying, I need you to find me more congressional districts.

VOICE: He's doing it. That may be different. But Democrats redistrict. You know this. But Gavin Newsom is doing it right now, a few years ago in New York. We saw this. This can be backfire.
Do you really want to go down this road?

VOICE: I want to make sure that we have fair lines and fair seats. Where we don't have situations where politicians are choosing voters, but that voters have a chance to choose their elected officials.

We need to be able to have fair maps, and we also need to make sure that if the president of the United States is putting his finger on the scale to try to manipulate elections, because he knows that his policies cannot win in a ballot box.

GLENN: Okay. So stop.

If you -- if you don't know anything about Maryland, you would be like, well, that's reasonable.

And most people don't know anything about Maryland. Okay. That's reasonable. He just wants fair maps and fair lines. Okay. If you really wanted the people to pick, you wouldn't -- it's mathematically impossible in Illinois.

It's mathematically impossible in Massachusetts. And in Maryland, to have the representation for the G.O.P. that they have.

It's math mat -- Massachusetts has zero Republicans in the House!

Zero, in the whole state!

Zero.

Maryland, only has one. And then he says, well, I might have to redistrict.

To get rid of the one?

One place, where -- where a Republican won. And you want to redistrict that, out of existence?

That doesn't seem fair, to me.

Right?

Okay. This isn't a blue problem. It's not a red problem. It is a power problem. And it has been happening almost since the founding of the country. And it's got to stop. Now, in 2019, the Supreme Court had a decision. Said, the courts aren't going to interfere. And they won't referee partisan gerrymandering.

Well, that was a message that was sent to everybody, very clear. Do what you -- do what you want. The raw what you can. Draw what you can get real estate with. And so they did!

Now, in Texas. This all started in Texas. Which, by the way, the -- the senses.

These are all based on the census, or they're supposed to be. But for the very first time, the 2020 census was rigged, and then it was not fair.

When you have Texas. Think of this. Just think -- I want you to think of this logically. Texas in -- what was it? 2020. Texas in 2020 had lost people? Or had not gained any citizens?

What planet are you living in?

Texas is growing by leaps and bounds, as it was in 2015. 2010.

You're telling me, nothing!

Nothing!

No new growth.

Wow! That's amazing.

So Texas is trying to correct this problem. Where they fix the census.

Okay.

Now, the left is shouting, this is crazy!

I can't believe they're doing -- it's an arms race of hypocrisy.

It really is. It really is.

Which one could launch the biggest hypocritical missile.

I'm not sure. I can just tell you, this ends -- it ends where legitimacy ends. When -- when somebody will look up in one of these states and say, this is -- and with -- with real facts on their side. That -- that's not -- that's not representative of me. The House of Representatives. That's not representative of my district and my state. You can draw a district any way you want. You know, cut us all apart so you -- you can't have a Republican in. You've been doing that forever.

Here's the thing: Safe seats. That's what everybody wants. A safe seat. Safe seats do not create better leaders. They create unaccountable leaders. Let me say that again: Safe seats do not create better leaders. They create unaccountable leaders. Why?

Because a safe seat doesn't reward persuasion.

You don't have to persuade anybody. They reward purity tests. This is why we have become so incredibly extreme. It's why -- everybody wonders why the center feels like it's collapsing. You know, every -- every compromise feels like a betrayal. Because you're not dealing with people. You're dealing with people who are extremes. Okay?

So what do we do? Well, there's a couple of solutions. One independent map-making. Yeah. That's going to work. Put the pens in the citizen's hands. Oh, good. Michigan. Arizona. California.

They have shown independent or court-drawn maps. Reduced extremes. And increased competition. Okay.

Maybe. California. Has an independent committee. This was passed by the people voted for. People were like, you know what, we want fair! We want fair districts. Okay. But at the first time of trouble. They'll violate that, as you're seeing with California.

You have the governor of California coming out. We will redraw all of them. Because they don't care about the voices of the people in those districts. They care about the Democrat voice in Congress.

So the governor is going around it. And it will only be stopped if the people of California stand up. Are they going to?

I don't know.

Now, if we don't solve this at the local and state level, believe me, there are going to be people in Congress that want to change the rules. And the left is already working on it.

It's called the fair representation act. Stu, they already have an act. It's the Fair Representation Act.

STU: I like fair representation.

GLENN: Right! It's about representation, and it's going to be fair.

See what could go wrong with this. They just reintroduced it this summer. It would use independent commissions. Multi-member districts. And ranked choice voting for the House.

Oh! Ranked choice voting? What could possibly go wrong with ranked choice voting. Why is that a problem, Stu?

STU: Well, currently, the Democrats really love rank choice voting. Because it's benefited them, mostly.

And that's just a small part of that particular act. But basically, you know, if you -- you know, unless the other -- the other team is smart enough to actually understand the rules of it. Which so far, the Republicans have not been, they will nominate people that will split their own vote. And you will wind up with someone who is the -- not the majority candidate, wound up winning the seat.

GLENN: Yeah. Really bad idea. Really bad idea.

So may I make a suggestion on how we fix this?

And I would like to base this on Moses.

Moses already did this. Okay? He divided people in hundreds and 50s and tens. Let me -- let me call -- let me just -- I want you to think of the United States under one big tent. Okay? One big tent. Let's say we look at the United States as a big block. And we want to put everybody under a tent. But we can't put them under one big, big tent.

So let's say we put them in tents of 100. Or a thousand.

Or 5,000.

And we think of the map, as you have to have a tent, over these people.

All right. Well, I know we have four corners.

And we put a steak in the ground. And those four corners, we build a tent.

And then we build a tent right next to that one, that holds the same amount of people, and we put four steaks in the ground, and we build another tent. In other words, each district has to have four straight lines. Just like a tent. It's just a box. Okay? It could be a rectangle. However you want to design it, that is fine. But it's just a box. And when that box becomes too full, you split it in half. And now it becomes two boxes, and you keep splitting them, until they're more and more boxes. The more the population grows, the more boxes there are. Okay?
It's really easy. Do you know what that would do? It could mean that in some districts, a couple of apartment buildings, not snaked all the way around the city and into the countryside. But a few apartment buildings in New York City, right in a four-block area, that might be a district.

What does that do? That means the people who are representing the people in that apartment complex, the -- that four-block radius. He has to know that four-block area. That's his deal. He's not sneaking around, going around everywhere else. He knows those people. He represents just those people. Not people five blocks away. Just maybe four blocks away.

And four blocks in each direction. That way, you don't have these people who don't have any idea, they don't look like you. I mean, as far as the way you vote. They don't look -- vote like you do. They don't -- they're -- they're not some sort of foreigner from a different area of town. They know what your issues are.

If we did that, and we made everything in just squares, you would -- you would localize much more. In a much better way. But you would also stop all the extremes. Because unless everybody in that four-block radius is an extremist, an extremist isn't going to win. An extremist Republican. Extremist tell me. Extremists aren't going to win. Because most people aren't like that. That's why the gerrymandering thing happens. Because you can have people on one side of the street in one district, people on the other side of the street, in another district, and then it snakes up four blocks, and then it makes a hard left. Then it goes straight up for another street, then there's a big bubble at the top of it, where a whole bunch of blocks are included. That makes no sense. That's making a safe seat.
Again, safe seats do not -- do not reward anything! They create extremism.
RADIO

Trump’s Intel gamble: Smart Capitalism or Socialist trap?

President Trump has announced a deal to buy a 10% stake in computer chip maker Intel. Is this a smart business move that will make the US government money to pay off its debt, or is it just another unconstitutional public-private partnership? Glenn and Stu discuss ...

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: I would love to open -- openly embrace the -- you know, on the surface, there's a new deal with Intel.

And it sounds really smart. And it sounds like, yeah. That's the way we should do business.

It sounds capitalist. It sounds patriotic. But then, again, so did the Patriot Act.

So here's what's happening. Donald Trump is taking $8.9 billion. Money already set aside by the Chips Act. And instead of handing to Intel as a grant, he bought stock in Intel.

Now, that sounds really smart. Right? Sounds like what a businessman would do. Really smart. I'm not going to just give them the money, we'll invest. And that way, we get some profits, when they succeed. So we now own 10 percent of the company. Nonvoting shares. We got it at a discount, and we have $2 billion now worth of paper gains.

I love that! Right? It sounds really good. Why aren't we running this place more like a business? It's pro-capitalist, right? No more government giveaways. Taxpayers are investors. And we benefit when Intel rebounds. Okay. Any other things? Well, yeah. It's really important for national security. We're keeping chip manufacturing at home. We stabilize the economy, without running it. We reassure the markets, and attract other private investors. On paper. It's really good. It's clean. It's efficient. It's savvy.

Now, what is it that's bothering me? Well, it's not exactly the American system. In fact, it might be everything we're not supposed to do. You know, we were never -- government was never supposed to use our taxpayer dollars to be a shareholder in private enterprise.

But, again, we're doing all kinds of things that we've already gone there. Haven't we?

Hasn't the government picked winners and loses now forever?

Haven't they been wasting your money. I would rather extend them a grant. I would rather have it in stock. So if we win, we win. No. We all win. But that's actually the model of state capitalism in China. That's not the free market in the United States. Intel is vital. Absolutely vital. Chips are the lifeblood of anything that will happen for national security. And our economy.

But we cannot get into the habit of -- of -- we can't normalize it anyway.

Washington, DC, buying stock in struggling companies.

Because what's next. Ford? Boeing?

How about your grocery stores?

That's Mamdani, isn't it?

And once that door opens, government no longer just regulates the market. They own a piece of it, now.

What happens after we own a piece of that?

So in 2008, I had a big sponsor.

It was a sponsor that Premiere Radio networks had worked 20 years to get.

We finally landed them. And I had a good working relationship with them.

It was General Motors.

And then the government bailed them out. In 2008. And they promised it was temporary. And I said, great! Call me back, once you've paid them off. I don't -- I don't like this. The government should not be involved.

But they were not going to be involved.

But they were

The first thing they did. Was they cancelled the hydrogen car. Something they really believed right before the election. I know. Because I was talking to him about it all the time. And then after the election, Barack Obama cancels all hydrogen products. And GM was like, yeah, that stupid hydrogen thing. We're with them.

And the precedent was set. And I was out. I was out. I cancelled General Motors. Stupid. Stupid. Stupid.

Business-wise, stupid. Ethically, the right thing to do. And ever since, whenever there's a crisis, that temptation is there. Why not just buy a slice of the company? Why not stabilize it? Make a little profit on it? And that's how you slip to capitalism to corporatism. You know, free markets backed by government winners and losers.

You do not want to go down this road. You know, when we are both the investor and the regulator, which one wins.

Come on!

Not a hard question to answer. Which one wins? Not the regulator. The investor wins. If the investor is also the regulator, look, if we do this, we will make a lot of money, you're going to make a lot of money. You'll have more money for all these projects you want. Okay. All right. Okay.

It's -- it's not -- the taxpayers aren't the one. The company -- the politicians, who really wins? What happens when an administration leans on its own company, for political purposes?

You know what, I think you'll get rid of that hydrogen car. We love the hydrogen car. You know what, I think you'll get rid of that hydrogen car. We hate that hydrogen car. Boy, we hate it.

He -- Donald Trump looks at Intel losing $8.8 billion last year. Lays off 20,000 workers.

Choke hold of Taiwan, South Korea on semi conductors. He wants America protected.

He wants taxpayers to share the upside.

He doesn't want to just bear the cost. We should get the upside. All of those things are good, right?

It's really tempting. But is it what we're supposed to do. Is it the right thing?

I don't like it when Washington holds stock certificates. Not a good thing. It should be reforming taxes. Cutting red tape. Letting capital flow to strong ideas. Making sure national security is cured through policy, but not ownership of these things.

Are you comfortable if the United States just took over AI, or just took it over and said, we're just going to own 10 percent? Oh, they need another bailout. We're just going to own 20 percent. Oh, they need another bailout. Okay. We're going to own 40 percent of that. Do you think that that company wouldn't become beholden to the United States government? And who are they beholden to? The Defense Department? The Deep State? The president, or you?

I think you know the answer to that one. Stu, how do you work around this one. Because I love this idea. I love the fact that we're running things like a business. And if we're giving people loans, why not take a stake? Why not?

STU: Well, first of all, can we step back one little bit and just acknowledge that the original sin here, in the first place, was the Chips Act. The Chips Act was not a good bill in the first place.

And that's not the president -- the current president's fault.

But, you know, he has to live under that law.

And he's trying to improve it. But like, that was a disaster in the first place. And should not have been something that we did, certainly the way that we did it.

With buying into this. Look, I understand, it is better to have some of this money. That, by the way, we're just borrowing and printing anyway. Right?

These are taxpayer dollars that we don't really have. That we're spending on something. That it's good that potentially we have a return. I mean, this was the argument under TARP as well. Where we would go and do all of this. And take control of some of these banks and companies. And they would eventually pay us back. And many of them did, by the way. Many of them did pay us back.

GLENN: With interest. With interest.

STU: Yeah, exactly. And so why not?

Why didn't we do that? We have done it from time to time. Normally, it's been in extreme circumstances. Right? When there's an emergency going on. And I would acknowledge, and I think you were on this, as well, Glenn.

These were not things that we supported at the time. But they were things that the government did at the time. What they saw as a time of financial crisis. And reached in, and took ownership of a bunch of companies.

GLENN: I would say, we went further than not being for them.

STU: I would agree with that analysis.

GLENN: Very much against them.

STU: Very much against them.

The reason for that is: We don't want the government involved in -- you know, jumping into companies and micromanaging companies.

Now, they will say, voting rights.

They will say all sorts of things. We now have a situation where the president of the United States has an interesting interest in Intel's stock price. And like, I know that --

GLENN: Money does not talk, it screams. It's a bad idea. It's a bad idea.

Once the government becomes your partner in business. They're always your partner. Always.

STU: Uh-huh. And I understand where the president is coming from.

Because it -- at some level, it really is important to acknowledge, he's been put in this position to try to make the best out of a bad thing.

Now, I know, you know, the president does really care about the chips. And he does care about these industries, being here in the United States.

That is a -- something that is actually legitimately important. I'm not denying that.

GLENN: Right. He also cares about America doing well, financially. He's tired of America getting screwed. The taxpayers getting screwed every time.

STU: But on that point, because I get what he's saying there. It would be great. Like, we're up a couple billion dollars. Let's say we double our profit. Let's say we make 10 billion dollars off the deal. Nothing wrong with making $10 billion.

Let's acknowledge what this is, though. We have $37 trillion in debt. Making $10 billion does absolutely nothing to this. Nothing.

We're going to waste that -- like, we could just instead, be -- we could have someone actually look at the next spending bill we have. And just cut a few things around the corner, and easily save $10 billion.

It -- the only way that this makes any impact. And this is what makes me nervous. Is if you do it at scale. If you start doing this, in every single company you can think of, that is having problems. Or is in an industry of interest to the United States of America. Then you start getting to a place to where the government is in bed with lots of businesses. And maybe you can make a financial impact. And if we accept this argument now, I'm afraid we accept it then too.

GLENN: But how do we already accept it -- when America embraced public/private partnerships. I haven't accepted that.

I don't -- I'm dead-set against public -- but isn't this a public/private partnership. This is what they were pushing.

STU: Well, this is the concern, right?

Who is cheering this on?

Bernie Sanders. Bernie Sanders put the -- he actually had this idea, as an amendment, in the Chips Act.

This was his proposal.

He's cheering it on right now. I -- that doesn't mean that every -- you know, everything a Democrat brings up is the wrong idea.

Maybe this was a good one.

You can make that argument.

GLENN: Is he a Democrat or a socialist?

STU: Socialist please. Socialist.

GLENN: So everything a socialist brings up. Probably is fine.

STU: Yeah. Again, it's a road, we should really, really be careful going down.

I would argue, we shouldn't go down it. At his lead to bad things. And it leads to bad things, by the way, when this president is long gone.

It's not just him.

You know, what -- I know we say this all the time. What are Democrats going to do, with this newfound ability to invest in companies?

And -- and, by the way, we should note, Intel doesn't need to accept this. Right? This is -- the Chips Act doesn't require them to sell part of the company. What's happening here is we're pressuring them into this.

GLENN: Uh-huh.

STU: And, you know, I -- I understand the reasoning for that. You brought up really good arguments on this front. We're already suckered into giving these -- these companies money because of the Chips Act. Why not make the situation better?

And Intel is saying, well, they can make our lives miserable. In 25 different ways. Let's partner with them.

I get it on both sides.

That doesn't mean it should be a foundational part of our economy going forward. And, you know, if this is a one time thing. It probably won't be a big deal. If this is a precedent that goes on. It can be.

GLENN: It will be.

Once you start this. Once you start this.

And how long. My whole life, I said, I wish we had a businessman as the president. I wish we had somebody that would look at the country and look at everything. And go, how can we make money?
How can we save money? Let's run this a tighter ship. Well, he's doing that.

Although, we're spending more money.

And he's here. Here he's like, well, let's just offset.

Let's get -- yeah. And he might pick the winner. I don't know if he will or not. But he might -- but tell me the last president that we had, that ever said anything about industry, that you were like, oh, you know what, that was a really good stock tip. No! No!

STU: He would be the guy.

GLENN: Yeah. He would be the one, I think in my lifetime, for sure. Maybe the lifetime of the country.

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