Glenn chats with SE Cupp regarding CPAC

Former United States Senator Rick Santorum is surging in the polls after his mid-west sweep and has nearly doubled his numbers overnight. He followed that up with a rousing speech at CPAC where he didn't hold anything back. Romney also spoke and tried to make the case for his conservatism as more people move towards Santorum. Check out Glenn's conversation with SE Cupp who is at CPAC covering the event in the clip above.

GLENN: Let's go to S. E. Cupp who is down at CPAC. Hi, S. E.

CUPP: Hi, boss, how are you?

GLENN: Good, how are you?

CUPP: Happy birthday? Is that right?

GLENN: It is. It is my birthday. What did you get me?

CUPP: No, I was actually told I have a chief of staff friend for a Republican congressional member ran up to me today and said, oh, my God, Glenn and I have the same birthday. Please tell him happy birthday. So he alerted me.

GLENN: Really? He's a congressional staffer?

CUPP: He's chief of staff for a Republican member.

GLENN: Really?

CUPP: Yes.

GLENN: A good member or a bad member?

CUPP: He's great. Tim Huelskamp is a member.

GLENN: Don't know who Tim is.

CUPP: Okay.

GLENN: But I'm going to take your word for it. I love him. Where is he from? Where is he from?

CUPP: Kansas.

GLENN: All right. Well, so was Kathleen Sebelius and so I ‑‑

PAT: You never know.

GLENN: You never know. Tell me about CPAC. What's happening at CPAC? What is the attitude there? What's happening?

CUPP: Yeah, I mean, it's a bigger crowd than ever and over half of the crowd is under the age of 25 which is ‑‑ which is great. CPAC every year gets bigger and younger. I think that's really, you know, heartening for the future of the conservative movement. The buzz on the ground is all Santorum. It is all anyone is talking about. I talked to 20‑somethings, young kids in college or just out of college who are now really excited about Santorum and said, even admitted, had I asked a week ago, they would have said no, they didn't think he was electable a week ago. But after Tuesday and the momentum that he's building, they are giving this guy another look.

GLENN: He just spoke, did he not?

CUPP: Yes, he did.

GLENN: How did it go and what did he say?

CUPP: It went really well. He gave a broad, sort of sweeping speech, contrasting him with Mitt Romney and then also contrasting himself with Obama. He touched on the Catholic contraception issue.

GLENN: Okay, stop, stop. Stop, stop.

CUPP: What?

GLENN: Don't ever say it's a contraception issue again. You're playing into ‑‑ you're playing into the Obama administration. Change your language.

CUPP: Okay.

GLENN: And control the argument is what they always say. It is not about contraception. It is about freedom of religion.

CUPP: That's right.

GLENN: It is religious exercise. Okay. Go ahead.

CUPP: He talked about ‑‑

GLENN: Freedom of religion.

CUPP: Freedom of religion.

GLENN: And the Obama administration attack on it.

CUPP: And the Obama administration attack on it.

GLENN: What did he say about it?

CUPP: So funny you should ask. He made a really good point. It was not his main point but it was a cursory point and he said, look, is this really the point of health insurance to provide something that costs probably a couple of bucks a month? Is that really health insurance? This isn't about insurance. This is about a mandate. This is about growing government and it's government encroaching into the private sector, you know, infringing on your freedom of choice and religion. It was an interesting point and one that the crowd I think really sort of appreciated. And then of course, you know, he went on to touch on the three pillars of his campaign which are Obama is reaching too far into the manufacturing industry, too far into environmental issues, and too far into the economy and ‑‑

GLENN: I disagree with ‑‑ I disagree with all of those.

CUPP: Oh, okay.

GLENN: I may be off, I may be off ‑‑

STU: In what way?

GLENN: He says he's reaching too far. No. He's reaching into.

STU: Yeah.

GLENN: Too far? He's reaching too far into manufacturing? No, no. The president is reaching into them.

STU: He's doing a full cavity search of these issues.

GLENN: Get your damn hands out of the cookie jar. They don't belong there.

CUPP: Right. That he's in there at all ‑‑

GLENN: Yeah.

CUPP: ‑‑ is your problem.

GLENN: Is the point.

CUPP: It was a good speech. It was ‑‑ the crowd really liked it.

GLENN: So tell me about the Ron Paul support and the Gingrich support and the Romney support.

CUPP: You know, Romney still comes in the frontrunner. CPAC let's not forget is still very much an establishment event, you know? I mean, a lot is made of this being a movement conference, and it is that. But I mean, let's be honest. The establishment media comes, all the establishment candidates come, the GOP establishment, good politicians come and speak. So he still comes in with some excitement.

GLENN: I'll tell you that, you know, when I spoke there two years ago ‑‑

CUPP: Yeah.

GLENN: ‑‑ it's split. There is the establishment that is desperately trying to hold on.

CUPP: Yeah.

GLENN: But there is ‑‑ CPAC is not your grandfather's political movement. It is not what, you know, all these ‑‑ you know, it's not what the Bill Kristols of the world, you know, tried to make it into.

CUPP: You know ‑‑

GLENN: Anymore.

CUPP: ‑‑ that's completely true. Like I said, it's very young. It is a conference, you know, geared towards students, toward young people. And so they have a lot of say in the kinds of events and speakers.

GLENN: What is ‑‑ tell me about the support for Ron Paul. What's happening on his front?

CUPP: Yeah. I mean, it's weird because CPAC is usually, you know, Ron Paulapalooza and you can literally not escape the Ron Paulites every year. This year it's actually been kind of muted. A, he's not speaking here. He's out campaigning. And B, I really think Santorum seems to have taken a lot of his, you know, young supporters away just because of the good week he's having. I met one Ron Paul supporter who was over 50. Not, you know, the traditional Ron Paul fan that you meet.

GLENN: You know, is there a possibility that Santorum could step into ‑‑ you know, I said before Obama was elected, I said if we elect Barack Obama, the next guy that America will rush to will be fat and kind of disheveled. And Chris Christie's not running. Ron Paul has this anti‑politician ‑‑ I mean, he's been in Washington forever but he still is this anti‑Washington kind of choice and it kind of makes him cool with the kids nowadays. Is it possible that Santorum kind of has that as well because he's kind of the nerdy kind of ‑‑ you know what I mean? He's ‑‑

CUPP: He is. He's ‑‑

GLENN: Father Knows Best kind of guy which is so anti‑ everything that's going on in the culture.

CUPP: I think you're absolutely right. I've been calling it geek chic, you know, with the sweater vest and the boyish hair and I mean, there is something there. And we are rejecting cool and charisma and, you know, shiny Hollywood this year, then I think that certainly plays to his advantage. That said, I'm not sure he's any less cool than any of the other Republican candidates. I mean, Mitt Romney ‑‑

GLENN: No, the Republicans.

CUPP: You know, Newt Gingrich, not cool.

STU: No?

GLENN: Really?

STU: Really?

GLENN: How is the Newt Gingrich support there?

CUPP: Radio silence. I have heard no one talking about Newt, which is weird. He's on the schedule like 7,000 times, appearing simultaneously to talk about his various movies and books and ideas and ‑‑

GLENN: I hate those guys that do that. They're always shilling something and always doing something and selling a book or a movie. Man.

PAT: Mmm‑hmmm.

CUPP: He is ‑‑ yeah. So he is everywhere and nowhere, which is interesting. I just have not seen a lot of buzz about him. No one's really talking about, you know, his race and his speeches. They are just not focused on Newt Gingrich right now.

STU: S.E., we heard a lot in lead‑up to CPAC that there is going to be a presence from Occupy CPAC. Have we seen that?

CUPP: I didn't yesterday. Today is supposed to be the day when they come in and stab everyone. So ‑‑

GLENN: But with love.

STU: Yeah.

GLENN: With love.

CUPP: They told us much, much like, you know, the Obama administration sort of tells our enemies when we're pulling out, when we're leaving, when it's safe to come in. They were kind enough to tell us when they plan to assault us all. So police presence is crazy today. I haven't really seen anything, you know, cropping up. But you will be the first to know if I do.

GLENN: All right. Thank you very much, S. E.

CUPP: All right.

GLENN: I mean, if you're going to get a stab wound, just make sure it's a flesh wound. We don't want to lose you.

STU: And keep it on camera for GBTV purposes.

GLENN: Yeah, you can die as long as we have it on tape.

CUPP: My thoughts exactly.

GLENN: Okay. Thanks a lot, S. E., appreciate it.

Civics isn’t optional—America's survival depends on it

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Every vote, jury duty, and act of engagement is civics in action, not theory. The republic survives only when citizens embrace responsibility.

I slept through high school civics class. I memorized the three branches of government, promptly forgot them, and never thought of that word again. Civics seemed abstract, disconnected from real life. And yet, it is critical to maintaining our republic.

Civics is not a class. It is a responsibility. A set of habits, disciplines, and values that make a country possible. Without it, no country survives.

We assume America will survive automatically, but every generation must learn to carry the weight of freedom.

Civics happens every time you speak freely, worship openly, question your government, serve on a jury, or cast a ballot. It’s not a theory or just another entry in a textbook. It’s action — the acts we perform every day to be a positive force in society.

Many of us recoil at “civic responsibility.” “I pay my taxes. I follow the law. I do my civic duty.” That’s not civics. That’s a scam, in my opinion.

Taking up the torch

The founders knew a republic could never run on autopilot. And yet, that’s exactly what we do now. We assume it will work, then complain when it doesn’t. Meanwhile, the people steering the country are driving it straight into a mountain — and they know it.

Our founders gave us tools: separation of powers, checks and balances, federalism, elections. But they also warned us: It won’t work unless we are educated, engaged, and moral.

Are we educated, engaged, and moral? Most Americans cannot even define a republic, never mind “keep one,” as Benjamin Franklin urged us to do after the Constitutional Convention.

We fought and died for the republic. Gaining it was the easy part. Keeping it is hard. And keeping it is done through civics.

Start small and local

In our homes, civics means teaching our children the Constitution, our history, and that liberty is not license — it is the space to do what is right. In our communities, civics means volunteering, showing up, knowing your sheriff, attending school board meetings, and understanding the laws you live under. When necessary, it means challenging them.

How involved are you in your local community? Most people would admit: not really.

Civics is learned in practice. And it starts small. Be honest in your business dealings. Speak respectfully in disagreement. Vote in every election, not just the presidential ones. Model citizenship for your children. Liberty is passed down by teaching and example.

Samuel Corum / Stringer | Getty Images

We assume America will survive automatically, but every generation must learn to carry the weight of freedom.

Start with yourself. Study the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and state laws. Study, act, serve, question, and teach. Only then can we hope to save the republic. The next election will not fix us. The nation will rise or fall based on how each of us lives civics every day.

Civics isn’t a class. It’s the way we protect freedom, empower our communities, and pass down liberty to the next generation.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

'Rage against the dying of the light': Charlie Kirk lived that mandate

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Kirk’s tragic death challenges us to rise above fear and anger, to rebuild bridges where others build walls, and to fight for the America he believed in.

I’ve only felt this weight once before. It was 2001, just as my radio show was about to begin. The World Trade Center fell, and I was called to speak immediately. I spent the day and night by my bedside, praying for words that could meet the moment.

Yesterday, I found myself in the same position. September 11, 2025. The assassination of Charlie Kirk. A friend. A warrior for truth.

Out of this tragedy, the tyrant dies, but the martyr’s influence begins.

Moments like this make words feel inadequate. Yet sometimes, words from another time speak directly to our own. In 1947, Dylan Thomas, watching his father slip toward death, penned lines that now resonate far beyond his own grief:

Do not go gentle into that good night. / Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Thomas was pleading for his father to resist the impending darkness of death. But those words have become a mandate for all of us: Do not surrender. Do not bow to shadows. Even when the battle feels unwinnable.

Charlie Kirk lived that mandate. He knew the cost of speaking unpopular truths. He knew the fury of those who sought to silence him. And yet he pressed on. In his life, he embodied a defiance rooted not in anger, but in principle.

Picking up his torch

Washington, Jefferson, Adams — our history was started by men who raged against an empire, knowing the gallows might await. Lincoln raged against slavery. Martin Luther King Jr. raged against segregation. Every generation faces a call to resist surrender.

It is our turn. Charlie’s violent death feels like a knockout punch. Yet if his life meant anything, it means this: Silence in the face of darkness is not an option.

He did not go gently. He spoke. He challenged. He stood. And now, the mantle falls to us. To me. To you. To every American.

We cannot drift into the shadows. We cannot sit quietly while freedom fades. This is our moment to rage — not with hatred, not with vengeance, but with courage. Rage against lies, against apathy, against the despair that tells us to do nothing. Because there is always something you can do.

Even small acts — defiance, faith, kindness — are light in the darkness. Reaching out to those who mourn. Speaking truth in a world drowning in deceit. These are the flames that hold back the night. Charlie carried that torch. He laid it down yesterday. It is ours to pick up.

The light may dim, but it always does before dawn. Commit today: I will not sleep as freedom fades. I will not retreat as darkness encroaches. I will not be silent as evil forces claim dominion. I have no king but Christ. And I know whom I serve, as did Charlie.

Two turning points, decades apart

On Wednesday, the world changed again. Two tragedies, separated by decades, bound by the same question: Who are we? Is this worth saving? What kind of people will we choose to be?

Imagine a world where more of us choose to be peacemakers. Not passive, not silent, but builders of bridges where others erect walls. Respect and listening transform even the bitterest of foes. Charlie Kirk embodied this principle.

He did not strike the weak; he challenged the powerful. He reached across divides of politics, culture, and faith. He changed hearts. He sparked healing. And healing is what our nation needs.

At the center of all this is one truth: Every person is a child of God, deserving of dignity. Change will not happen in Washington or on social media. It begins at home, where loneliness and isolation threaten our souls. Family is the antidote. Imperfect, yes — but still the strongest source of stability and meaning.

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Forgiveness, fidelity, faithfulness, and honor are not dusty words. They are the foundation of civilization. Strong families produce strong citizens. And today, Charlie’s family mourns. They must become our family too. We must stand as guardians of his legacy, shining examples of the courage he lived by.

A time for courage

I knew Charlie. I know how he would want us to respond: Multiply his courage. Out of this tragedy, the tyrant dies, but the martyr’s influence begins. Out of darkness, great and glorious things will sprout — but we must be worthy of them.

Charlie Kirk lived defiantly. He stood in truth. He changed the world. And now, his torch is in our hands. Rage, not in violence, but in unwavering pursuit of truth and goodness. Rage against the dying of the light.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Glenn Beck is once again calling on his loyal listeners and viewers to come together and channel the same unity and purpose that defined the historic 9-12 Project. That movement, born in the wake of national challenges, brought millions together to revive core values of faith, hope, and charity.

Glenn created the original 9-12 Project in early 2009 to bring Americans back to where they were in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. In those moments, we weren't Democrats and Republicans, conservative or liberal, Red States or Blue States, we were united as one, as America. The original 9-12 Project aimed to root America back in the founding principles of this country that united us during those darkest of days.

This new initiative draws directly from that legacy, focusing on supporting the family of Charlie Kirk in these dark days following his tragic murder.

The revival of the 9-12 Project aims to secure the long-term well-being of Charlie Kirk's wife and children. All donations will go straight to meeting their immediate and future needs. If the family deems the funds surplus to their requirements, Charlie's wife has the option to redirect them toward the vital work of Turning Point USA.

This campaign is more than just financial support—it's a profound gesture of appreciation for Kirk's tireless dedication to the cause of liberty. It embodies the unbreakable bond of our community, proving that when we stand united, we can make a real difference.
Glenn Beck invites you to join this effort. Show your solidarity by donating today and honoring Charlie Kirk and his family in this meaningful way.

You can learn more about the 9-12 Project and donate HERE

The critical difference: Rights from the Creator, not the state

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When politicians claim that rights flow from the state, they pave the way for tyranny.

Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) recently delivered a lecture that should alarm every American. During a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, he argued that believing rights come from a Creator rather than government is the same belief held by Iran’s theocratic regime.

Kaine claimed that the principles underpinning Iran’s dictatorship — the same regime that persecutes Sunnis, Jews, Christians, and other minorities — are also the principles enshrined in our Declaration of Independence.

In America, rights belong to the individual. In Iran, rights serve the state.

That claim exposes either a profound misunderstanding or a reckless indifference to America’s founding. Rights do not come from government. They never did. They come from the Creator, as the Declaration of Independence proclaims without qualification. Jefferson didn’t hedge. Rights are unalienable — built into every human being.

This foundation stands worlds apart from Iran. Its leaders invoke God but grant rights only through clerical interpretation. Freedom of speech, property, religion, and even life itself depend on obedience to the ruling clerics. Step outside their dictates, and those so-called rights vanish.

This is not a trivial difference. It is the essence of liberty versus tyranny. In America, rights belong to the individual. The government’s role is to secure them, not define them. In Iran, rights serve the state. They empower rulers, not the people.

From Muhammad to Marx

The same confusion applies to Marxist regimes. The Soviet Union’s constitutions promised citizens rights — work, health care, education, freedom of speech — but always with fine print. If you spoke out against the party, those rights evaporated. If you practiced religion openly, you were charged with treason. Property and voting were allowed as long as they were filtered and controlled by the state — and could be revoked at any moment. Rights were conditional, granted through obedience.

Kaine seems to be advocating a similar approach — whether consciously or not. By claiming that natural rights are somehow comparable to sharia law, he ignores the critical distinction between inherent rights and conditional privileges. He dismisses the very principle that made America a beacon of freedom.

Jefferson and the founders understood this clearly. “We are endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights,” they wrote. No government, no cleric, no king can revoke them. They exist by virtue of humanity itself. The government exists to protect them, not ration them.

This is not a theological quibble. It is the entire basis of our government. Confuse the source of rights, and tyranny hides behind piety or ideology. The people are disempowered. Clerics, bureaucrats, or politicians become arbiters of what rights citizens may enjoy.

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Gifts from God, not the state

Kaine’s statement reflects either a profound ignorance of this principle or an ideological bias that favors state power over individual liberty. Either way, Americans must recognize the danger. Understanding the origin of rights is not academic — it is the difference between freedom and submission, between the American experiment and theocratic or totalitarian rule.

Rights are not gifts from the state. They are gifts from God, secured by reason, protected by law, and defended by the people. Every American must understand this. Because when rights come from government instead of the Creator, freedom disappears.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.