U.N. Me: Filmmaker roasts U.N. and gets media praise?

June 08, 2012

Writer

Glenn spoke with Filmmaker Ami Horowitz on radio today about his new movie ‘U.N. Me’ which must be a great flick because it bashes the U.N. and it’s getting positive reviews in the press at the same time. There’s a lot of power in the truth - and virtually no one can deny that the U.N. is a total failure.

Read the interview transcript below:

I want to tell you about, you know, our topic today kind of has been to create and to push back and to create a different environment and that we just can't sit around. And Ami Horowitz is a guy that we have had on before. He is a filmmaker and he's really funny, really funny, really talented, really smart. He has produced this new documentary called UN Me, and it's about the UN and how unbelievably corrupt it is. But what he's done is brought people together on the universal hatred of corruption. You know, it reminds me about three years ago, I think, I ran into George Clooney in the hallway and we talked for a while and we both agreed on Somalia. He was ‑‑ he was really upset that the world hadn't done anything and that the UN was incapable of doing anything, but he kept going back to the UN. We both agreed on ‑‑ or not Somalia but Darfur.

STU: Darfur.

PAT: Darfur, yeah.

GLENN: We both agreed on Darfur and we just ‑‑ we just disagreed on who was going to be able to fix it. I remember in that, in that conversation we talked about how incompetent the UN was. But liberals tend to think that they can ‑‑ "Well, we'll fix it. We'll just fix it." No, you can. No, you can't. And Ami shows you why you can't. Good reviews.

Ami, welcome to the program. How are you, sir?

HOROWITZ: I'm doing well, Glenn. I love you, man.

GLENN: Is it ‑‑

HOROWITZ: I just want you to know I'm a Beckite.

GLENN: I don't know if that's a good thing or a bad thing. But Ami, let me ask you this. The LA Times, the New York Times, Variety and the Washington Post are all giving this good reviews. Is that the ‑‑

HOROWITZ: The Examiner, Daily News, I can go on and on. It's the best reviewed movie of last weekend. I can't believe it.

GLENN: Is it a death knell, death knell to your movie that these liberal organizations like it?

HOROWITZ: I don't know how to answer that. I think people are ‑‑ I think people are getting pretty pumped that we have an issue. We're ‑‑ I think we'll all agree we're in a ‑‑ our environment is too divisive. We're separating ourselves from each other. We should begin together in an extreme time of need. And I think the UN has an issue. But I'm telling you the right, obviously we were, you know, at the Vanguard of this issue for a long time but now we took this movie to get the other side awake. You know what? If they care about human rights, if they care about human dignity, the UN is not an organization they should be supporting. I was just on MSNBC just this morning. It didn't go well.

GLENN: How'd that go for you? How's Mika? Is she as delightful as we all think she is?

HOROWITZ: They began the conversation by reading a UN statement they put out condemning the movie.

STU: (Laughing.)

HOROWITZ: You know, full of falsities, one‑sided, you know, your taxpayer dollars are well taken care of. They read it exactly the way my mother‑in‑law wrote it.

GLENN: (Laughing.)

HOROWITZ: And I made a crack at Chris Matthews' expense and they didn't take well to that. So it became contentious real quick.

GLENN: Now this bodes well for the movie then. This is good. This is good. All right. You actually ‑‑ I want to talk to you about two things. I want to talk to you about the movie, but I want to start here. You are a filmmaker who, you know, saw the Michael Moore stuff and you've seen the way the culture is going that they have all ‑‑ the left has all of the pieces.

HOROWITZ: Yep.

GLENN: And you said I'm not going to let that happen?

HOROWITZ: No way. It is too big a part of cultural war for us to seed it to the left. The left made a massive mistake years ago when they decided not to compete really in talk radio, and you guys dominated, right? You and Rush and Sean and all those guys took it over and never looked back. And they made a massive miscalculation. And now they cannot get their foot back in the door. It's just too late.

The same thing is happening when it comes to film making and documentary making. They have gotten a formula which works and they have done an excellent job, and it's a phenomenal propaganda tool. And we've been left in the dust, and I don't want that to happen. I'm putting ‑‑ this is a ‑‑ this movie UN Me, it's a beachhead. It's a flag saying we're not going to see this territory to you and we're going to play, you know, your game essentially. And that's what I had to do. And I had to hire ‑‑

GLENN: See, I ‑‑ go ahead.

HOROWITZ: I had to hire guys from the left. I had to hire guys from the Onion, from the Daily Show, Michael Moore's writers and, you know, a guy who edited 30 Rock and the guy who shot Borat, In Keeping Truth. And those guys were the quality guys I needed to make this movie, and that's what we did.

GLENN: But I will tell you this, Ami, while one side is propaganda, one side is, you know, rolls with things that are not true. What you're doing is you're rolling with the truth, no matter which way it cuts.

HOROWITZ: Exactly.

GLENN: That's the difference because the propaganda stuff eventually comes undone and I contend that's why the networks are failing, that's why so much of Hollywood is failing. Everything is failing around them because it's propaganda. This is true.

What was the ‑‑ what was the reaction of the guys who were from the left that were working on this movie. When you finished and when you were going through everything, where do they stand?

HOROWITZ: You know, it's amazing. They were very initially obviously standoffish, right? Here's a guy, rightwing guy who's making a movie about, you know, an issue that the right cares about. And I began to walk them through kind of the way the story's going to unfold and they thought it was intriguing. And I'm telling you after every interview we did, the crew's head was blown off their shoulders. They could not believe the things that they were hearing. Couldn't believe the things they were seeing.

GLENN: For instance, give me ‑‑ give me some examples.

HOROWITZ: I'll give you a great example. When we were interviewing ‑‑ when we were interviewing the Iranian diplomat representing Iran in Geneva and this guy was talking about how that we have no problem with gays as long as they stay in their homes, or as long as they agree to sex changes. Then we have no problem with them. I mean, when he was agreeing that, listen, women shouldn't have the right they have anywhere else in the world because women want to be oppressed.

When they were hearing these words coming out of these guys' mouth and, of course, you know, we're making cracks and jokes about it to kind of add levity to it, these guys were shocked. They were shocked, they were blown away and they became true believers.

GLENN: Okay. The last thing I want to cover with you is, because the movie speaks for itself and I want to ask you as a listener to go and support this movie. It's out, find it in your local theatres, find it wherever you can. It is U.N. Me and support it.

HOROWITZ: It's on video on demand with most of the major cable companies and it's also on iTunes. You can watch it, just replace 90 minutes of Snookie with 90 minutes of a movie that can actually blow you away.

GLENN: No, it's not ‑‑

STU: We need to get our Snookie. Don't count that time, I'm sorry.

GLENN: No, I'm not cutting this. U.N. Me, find it wherever you can, and support it and watch it. Now, here is the place that I wanted to take you the last place. You went down to Occupy Wall Street about a year ago I think with us.

HOROWITZ: Less than that.

GLENN: You went down and you did this amazing piece and while that was a little dicey, it wasn't like this. You actually, you had your life threatened outside of your apartment I believe in New York, right?

HOROWITZ: Indeed.

GLENN: Okay. Tell that story and then I want to ‑‑ and then move into the Ivory Coast hotel room

HOROWITZ: Yeah. You know, it was a few months ago. It was actually, I think it was November. And I just walked out of my apartment in the upper west side of Manhattan and there was a dude standing right outside my door, very well dressed, dapper looking guy and he just simply said to me, he asked me if I was Ami Horowitz and I said yes. And at that point my spidey sense started tingling a little bit. And he said, is this movie more important than your family? And I was in a state of shock. You know, I wish now I would have put, you know, that Kung fu grip in a headlock but, you know, of course you're just kind of stunned.

GLENN: Ami.

HOROWITZ: He just turned on his wheels, went to a waiting cab and off he went.

GLENN: Ami?

HOROWITZ: Yes?

GLENN: Ami, I've seen you. You don't have Kung fu grip.

HOROWITZ: Hey. Come on, man, that ain't cool.

GLENN: No, no. Okay. Now take me quickly to the Ivory Coast.

HOROWITZ: So the Ivory Coast we essentially uncovered peacekeepers had slaughtered unarmed Ivorians and so we were there, you know, filming it and we did this whole piece on girls, you know, peacekeepers gone wild and all the crazy stuff that the peacekeepers do there. And we got back from a full day of shooting, got back to the hotel room on the Ivory Coast and I walk into the room and my safe was open, my money was there and my passport was there. The SIM card from my phone was gone. I slept with a hunting knife under my pillow because, you know, kind of a tough area. That was gone. And there was simply where a mint would have been a picture on my bed with a guy ‑‑ a picture of a guy with his head blown right off. A not‑too‑subtle warning about staying on the Ivory Coast.

GLENN: The documentary is worth seeing. The reason why I bring this up is this is a filmmaker who believes in what he says. This is a filmmaker who is really, really talented, very smart, very funny, and the truth is here. And the truth that people can unite on. This is not a right issue. This is a ‑‑ this is a human issue that the left has evidenced by good reviews in LA Times, New York Times, Variety, Washington Post and me, it is something we can all agree on and it is something that this particular filmmaker has risked his life to tell. Go right now to iTunes. I have it right here on my iTunes. It's U.N. Me and watch this film. Please support Ami Horowitz.

HOROWITZ: Or video on demand with your cable company.

GLENN: All right. Is there anything else you'd like to throw in there?

HOROWITZ: I love you, man, I love you.

GLENN: Thanks, man, I appreciate it. You're a fantastic filmmaker.

What our response to Israel reveals about us

JOSEPH PREZIOSO / Contributor | Getty Images

I have been honored to receive the Defender of Israel Award from Prime Minister Netanyahu.

The Jerusalem Post recently named me one of the strongest Christian voices in support of Israel.

And yet, my support is not blind loyalty. It’s not a rubber stamp for any government or policy. I support Israel because I believe it is my duty — first as a Christian, but even if I weren’t a believer, I would still support her as a man of reason, morality, and common sense.

Because faith isn’t required to understand this: Israel’s existence is not just about one nation’s survival — it is about the survival of Western civilization itself.

It is a lone beacon of shared values in the Middle East. It is a bulwark standing against radical Islam — the same evil that seeks to dismantle our own nation from within.

And my support is not rooted in politics. It is rooted in something simpler and older than politics: a people’s moral and historical right to their homeland, and their right to live in peace.

Israel has that right — and the right to defend herself against those who openly, repeatedly vow her destruction.

Let’s make it personal: if someone told me again and again that they wanted to kill me and my entire family — and then acted on that threat — would I not defend myself? Wouldn’t you? If Hamas were Canada, and we were Israel, and they did to us what Hamas has done to them, there wouldn’t be a single building left standing north of our border. That’s not a question of morality.

That’s just the truth. All people — every people — have a God-given right to protect themselves. And Israel is doing exactly that.

My support for Israel’s right to finish the fight against Hamas comes after eighty years of rejected peace offers and failed two-state solutions. Hamas has never hidden its mission — the eradication of Israel. That’s not a political disagreement.

That’s not a land dispute. That is an annihilationist ideology. And while I do not believe this is America’s war to fight, I do believe — with every fiber of my being — that it is Israel’s right, and moral duty, to defend her people.

Criticism of military tactics is fair. That’s not antisemitism. But denying Israel’s right to exist, or excusing — even celebrating — the barbarity of Hamas? That’s something far darker.

We saw it on October 7th — the face of evil itself. Women and children slaughtered. Babies burned alive. Innocent people raped and dragged through the streets. And now, to see our own fellow citizens march in defense of that evil… that is nothing short of a moral collapse.

If the chants in our streets were, “Hamas, return the hostages — Israel, stop the bombing,” we could have a conversation.

But that’s not what we hear.

What we hear is open sympathy for genocidal hatred. And that is a chasm — not just from decency, but from humanity itself. And here lies the danger: that same hatred is taking root here — in Dearborn, in London, in Paris — not as horror, but as heroism. If we are not vigilant, the enemy Israel faces today will be the enemy the free world faces tomorrow.

This isn’t about politics. It’s about truth. It’s about the courage to call evil by its name and to say “Never again” — and mean it.

And you don’t have to open a Bible to understand this. But if you do — if you are a believer — then this issue cuts even deeper. Because the question becomes: what did God promise, and does He keep His word?

He told Abraham, “I will bless those who bless you, and curse those who curse you.” He promised to make Abraham the father of many nations and to give him “the whole land of Canaan.” And though Abraham had other sons, God reaffirmed that promise through Isaac. And then again through Isaac’s son, Jacob — Israel — saying: “The land I gave to Abraham and Isaac I give to you and to your descendants after you.”

That’s an everlasting promise.

And from those descendants came a child — born in Bethlehem — who claimed to be the Savior of the world. Jesus never rejected His title as “son of David,” the great King of Israel.

He said plainly that He came “for the lost sheep of the house of Israel.” And when He returns, Scripture says He will return as “the Lion of the tribe of Judah.” And where do you think He will go? Back to His homeland — Israel.

Tamir Kalifa / Stringer | Getty Images

And what will He find when He gets there? His brothers — or his brothers’ enemies? Will the roads where He once walked be preserved? Or will they lie in rubble, as Gaza does today? If what He finds looks like the aftermath of October 7th, then tell me — what will be my defense as a Christian?

Some Christians argue that God’s promises to Israel have been transferred exclusively to the Church. I don’t believe that. But even if you do, then ask yourself this: if we’ve inherited the promises, do we not also inherit the land? Can we claim the birthright and then, like Esau, treat it as worthless when the world tries to steal it?

So, when terrorists come to slaughter Israelis simply for living in the land promised to Abraham, will we stand by? Or will we step forward — into the line of fire — and say,

“Take me instead”?

Because this is not just about Israel’s right to exist.

It’s about whether we still know the difference between good and evil.

It’s about whether we still have the courage to stand where God stands.

And if we cannot — if we will not — then maybe the question isn’t whether Israel will survive. Maybe the question is whether we will.

America’s moral erosion: How we were conditioned to accept the unthinkable

MATHIEU LEWIS-ROLLAND / Contributor | Getty Images

Every time we look away from lawlessness, we tell the next mob it can go a little further.

Chicago, Portland, and other American cities are showing us what happens when the rule of law breaks down. These cities have become openly lawless — and that’s not hyperbole.

When a governor declares she doesn’t believe federal agents about a credible threat to their lives, when Chicago orders its police not to assist federal officers, and when cartels print wanted posters offering bounties for the deaths of U.S. immigration agents, you’re looking at a country flirting with anarchy.

Two dangers face us now: the intimidation of federal officers and the normalization of soldiers as street police. Accept either, and we lose the republic.

This isn’t a matter of partisan politics. The struggle we’re watching now is not between Democrats and Republicans. It’s between good and evil, right and wrong, self‑government and chaos.

Moral erosion

For generations, Americans have inherited a republic based on law, liberty, and moral responsibility. That legacy is now under assault by extremists who openly seek to collapse the system and replace it with something darker.

Antifa, well‑financed by the left, isn’t an isolated fringe any more than Occupy Wall Street was. As with Occupy, big money and global interests are quietly aligned with “anti‑establishment” radicals. The goal is disruption, not reform.

And they’ve learned how to condition us. Twenty‑five years ago, few Americans would have supported drag shows in elementary schools, biological males in women’s sports, forced vaccinations, or government partnerships with mega‑corporations to decide which businesses live or die. Few would have tolerated cartels threatening federal agents or tolerated mobs doxxing political opponents. Yet today, many shrug — or cheer.

How did we get here? What evidence convinced so many people to reverse themselves on fundamental questions of morality, liberty, and law? Those long laboring to disrupt our republic have sought to condition people to believe that the ends justify the means.

Promoting “tolerance” justifies women losing to biological men in sports. “Compassion” justifies harboring illegal immigrants, even violent criminals. Whatever deluded ideals Antifa espouses is supposed to somehow justify targeting federal agents and overturning the rule of law. Our culture has been conditioned for this moment.

The buck stops with us

That’s why the debate over using troops to restore order in American cities matters so much. I’ve never supported soldiers executing civilian law, and I still don’t. But we need to speak honestly about what the Constitution allows and why. The Posse Comitatus Act sharply limits the use of the military for domestic policing. The Insurrection Act, however, exists for rare emergencies — when federal law truly can’t be enforced by ordinary means and when mobs, cartels, or coordinated violence block the courts.

Even then, the Constitution demands limits: a public proclamation ordering offenders to disperse, transparency about the mission, a narrow scope, temporary duration, and judicial oversight.

Soldiers fight wars. Cops enforce laws. We blur that line at our peril.

But we also cannot allow intimidation of federal officers or tolerate local officials who openly obstruct federal enforcement. Both extremes — lawlessness on one side and militarization on the other — endanger the republic.

The only way out is the Constitution itself. Protect civil liberty. Enforce the rule of law. Demand transparency. Reject the temptation to justify any tactic because “our side” is winning. We’ve already seen how fear after 9/11 led to the Patriot Act and years of surveillance.

KAMIL KRZACZYNSKI / Contributor | Getty Images

Two dangers face us now: the intimidation of federal officers and the normalization of soldiers as street police. Accept either, and we lose the republic. The left cannot be allowed to shut down enforcement, and the right cannot be allowed to abandon constitutional restraint.

The real threat to the republic isn’t just the mobs or the cartels. It’s us — citizens who stop caring about truth and constitutional limits. Anything can be justified when fear takes over. Everything collapses when enough people decide “the ends justify the means.”

We must choose differently. Uphold the rule of law. Guard civil liberties. And remember that the only way to preserve a government of, by, and for the people is to act like the people still want it.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Stand with Voddie Baucham’s family in this time of loss

In the quiet aftermath of a profound loss, the Christian community mourns the unexpected passing of Dr. Voddie Baucham, a towering figure in evangelical circles. Known for his defense of biblical truth, Baucham, a pastor, author, and theologian, left a legacy on family, faith, and opposing "woke" ideologies in the church. His book Fault Lines challenged believers to prioritize Scripture over cultural trends. Glenn had Voddie on the show several times, where they discussed progressive influences in Christianity, debunked myths of “Christian nationalism,” and urged hope amid hostility.

The shock of Baucham's death has deeply affected his family. Grieving, they remain hopeful in Christ, with his wife, Bridget, now facing the task of resettling in the US without him. Their planned move from Lusaka, Zambia, was disrupted when their home sale fell through last December, resulting in temporary Airbnb accommodations, but they have since secured a new home in Cape Coral that requires renovations. To ensure Voddie's family is taken care of, a fundraiser is being held to raise $2 million, which will be invested for ongoing support, allowing Bridget to focus on her family.

We invite readers to contribute prayerfully. If you feel called to support the Bauchams in this time of need, you can click here to donate.

We grieve and pray with hope for the Bauchams.

May Voddie's example inspire us.

From isolation to connection: Overcoming loneliness

Loneliness isn’t just being alone — it’s feeling unseen, unheard, and unimportant, even amid crowds and constant digital chatter.

Loneliness has become an epidemic in America. Millions of people, even when surrounded by others, feel invisible. In tragic irony, we live in an age of unparalleled connectivity, yet too many sit in silence, unseen and unheard.

I’ve been experiencing this firsthand. My children have grown up and moved out. The house that once overflowed with life now echoes with quiet. Moments that once held laughter now hold silence. And in that silence, the mind can play cruel games. It whispers, “You’re forgotten. Your story doesn’t matter.”

We are unique in our gifts, but not in our humanity. Recognizing this shared struggle is how we overcome loneliness.

It’s a lie.

I’ve seen it in others. I remember sitting at Rockefeller Center one winter, watching a woman lace up her ice skates. Her clothing was worn, her bag battered. Yet on the ice, she transformed — elegant, alive, radiant.

Minutes later, she returned to her shoes, merged into the crowd, unnoticed. I’ve thought of her often. She was not alone in her experience. Millions of Americans live unseen, performing acts of quiet heroism every day.

Shared pain makes us human

Loneliness convinces us to retreat, to stay silent, to stop reaching out to others. But connection is essential. Even small gestures — a word of encouragement, a listening ear, a shared meal — are radical acts against isolation.

I’ve learned this personally. Years ago, a caller called me “Mr. Perfect.” I could have deflected, but I chose honesty. I spoke of my alcoholism, my failed marriage, my brokenness. I expected judgment. Instead, I found resonance. People whispered back, “I’m going through the same thing. Thank you for saying it.”

Our pain is universal. Everyone struggles with self-doubt and fear. Everyone feels, at times, like a fraud. We are unique in our gifts, but not in our humanity. Recognizing this shared struggle is how we overcome loneliness.

We were made for connection. We were built for community — for conversation, for touch, for shared purpose. Every time we reach out, every act of courage and compassion punches a hole in the wall of isolation.

You’re not alone

If you’re feeling alone, know this: You are not invisible. You are seen. You matter. And if you’re not struggling, someone you know is. It’s your responsibility to reach out.

Loneliness is not proof of brokenness. It is proof of humanity. It is a call to engage, to bear witness, to connect. The world is different because of the people who choose to act. It is brighter when we refuse to be isolated.

We cannot let silence win. We cannot allow loneliness to dictate our lives. Speak. Reach out. Connect. Share your gifts. By doing so, we remind one another: We are all alike, and yet each of us matters profoundly.

In this moment, in this country, in this world, what we do matters. Loneliness is real, but so is hope. And hope begins with connection.