Who Built That? Michelle Malkin shares incredible stories of American ingenuity

Michelle Malkin teamed up with Glenn and Mercury Ink for a new book: ‘Who Built That: Awe-Inspiring Stories of American Tinkerpreneurs’. She joined Glenn on the radio show Monday to talk about some of her favorite stories from the book and what she learned while putting it together.

Below is a transcript of this interview:

GLENN: So today, we're not just going to whine about it. We actually have a solution. And it actually started with a charity. Back in 2010, this program asked Michelle Malkin if she would donate something to -- what was it, for the Restoring Honor event, I think it was. She said, yes, I'll do a charity fundraiser and I'll take people on a train ride in Colorado. And we mocked it. We were like, oh, that's good. Michelle all by herself with strangers on a train.

PAT: A hike or something.

GLENN: Come into the woods with me. It was not a good idea. But it was that that gave birth to what we're about to announce, and she's about to release tomorrow. Michelle Malkin is here with us now. Hello, Michelle.

MICHELLE: Hi, Glenn.

GLENN: How are you?

MICHELLE: Good. How are you doing?

GLENN: It's been a very long journey for this.

MICHELLE: Yes. It's been like a train ride up Pikes Peak.

GLENN: You took a train ride up to Pikes Peak. Then I think a year later or two years later, we were doing the big deal that weekend at Dallas Cowboys Stadium for Restoring Love, and you had come in for a Freedom Works event at the American Airlines Arena. And you and I spent some time backstage, and we started talking about entrepreneurs and people who did build that.

MICHELLE: Yeah, we totally geeked out. And I think we discussed everything from, you know, the tinkering penchant to the teaching of math in this country and, of course, a lot of that was the groundwork for the work that we've done together on Common Core. And I think that this book is absolutely an extension of those conversations and, you know, you've had a pivotal role in all of this. And it kind of underscores one of the themes of the book, which is the magic and the miracle of the voluntary exchanges of ideas and goods and services that happened in this country every single day without the hand of government. Without a federal department of innovation or an innovation czar or somebody telling us what we should invest our money in. And, you know, whether it's something as mundane as a book or a bottle cap or a roll of toilet paper, these things happen not because somebody decides in Washington that they're going to happen, but because people want them and need them. And we have a free market system that has served us extremely well. So for the president who keyed up the launch of this book perfectly with his remarks last week that you just highlighted, thanks Obama. For him to have such scorn and open contempt for this country, I couldn't stand it anymore. And that's what drove this book. Of course -- of course, in a capitalist system, we want to make money. Everybody who is an inventor or builder wants to make money. But do you think that's the ultimate driver? That's the engine? No. It's this insatiable need and drive to make something in the world and fix it and tinker with it all your entire life. And so, you know, I have these tinkerpreneurs in the book who, yeah, they came up with one thing and then another. And they had hundreds and hundreds of patents. And they worked themselves until they couldn't work anymore. And you certainly can't say that of the golfer-in-chief on 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

GLENN: Okay. So now the name of the book is Who Built That. And you cover everybody. I want to cover a couple of chapters. I want to start with something that I didn't expect to find in the book, which I found strangely fascinating. I, Toilet Paper.

[laughter]

MICHELLE: Yes. Well, you know, I talked about how -- I think that we take for granted especially in the 21st century internet age, the mundane things that we absolutely need. And I picked toilet paper for a number of reasons. When you look at a place like Venezuela, and I think the shortage of toilet paper there is so ultimately symbolic because they can't even make that. What does that say about the absence of a free market, the absence of choice, the absence of the ability to profit off of things? And toilet paper is one of those products that encompasses hundreds and hundreds of different kinds of entrepreneurs. And so I trace the history of toilet paperback to the Founding Fathers, and if you love history, if you love tinkering, you're going to love the book, because you're going to learn so many things about how the voluntary cooperation of even some of the Founding Fathers play into the chapter as well. I wrote in the voice of a roll of toilet paper because I was inspired by one of my favorite all-time essays that is such a great learning tool, especially for elementary school kids. Was written by Leonard Read, who was a Libertarian economist who wrote the very, very famous essay I, Pencil to illustrate this example of how the concentric circles of individuals pursuing their own self-interests produced something like a pencil, something that no government bureaucrat could ever order with an executive order.

GLENN: Right. I have to tell you. I'd hate to harp on the toilet paper part, but I was shocked what I learned about toilet paper. I was shocked that, you know, Poor Richard's Almanac was really kind of the first toilet paper. That's why they have a hole in it, so you could hang it there. That they were using that. Sears & Roebuck, the catalog was toilet paper. I had no idea that it was -- I mean, really, Michelle, why did it take us so long before we went, hey, how about soft paper?

MICHELLE: Yeah. Well, you know, one of the things that was interesting to me in the history of it was the kinds of things that entrepreneurs had to overcome. And with regard to toilet paper it was really considered one of those things you couldn't talk about in public. And so I traced the history of that and, of course, the company that -- one of the many, many companies that I highlighted, which, of course, people are most familiar with is the Scott brothers. And these guys started out in Pennsylvania as sellers of butcher paper. Which, yeah, is not as nice as the Charmin for sure.

GLENN: No. No. And it's amazing that the guys who started it are still really doing it. You learn all the -- anyway, I don't mean to focus on that.

You also talk about the bridge builders here in America. The guy who came up with the -- how the bottle cap was started. You tell my favorite story of Westinghouse and Tesla. What is the thing that you connected with the most?

MICHELLE: Well, the very first chapter is one of the my favorite chapters. And I think it will be a favorite chapter of a lot of your readers and listeners as well because it deals with a product that I'm sure many of your listeners are familiar with. The Maglite flashlight. I got to go out to Ontario, California, and visit the headquarters of Anthony Maglica's Maglite Company. And, you know, this guy really is literally the torch bearer of the American dream. You know, he's your prototypical immigrant with absolutely nothing and expected nothing. Felt entitled to nothing but the opportunity to try. He came here with $120 and 20 English words that he knew. And he never gave up. And, you know, I mentioned the vacationer-in-chief in Washington. This guy is 84 years old. He still goes to his factory every day at five or 6 o'clock in the morning. He's the last one to leave. He hasn't had a vacation in ten years. Yes, he's made hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars. But that's not what drives him. It's the ability to be able to come here with nothing, make something of himself, make something that people want, and then never stop improving it. And, you know, there are so many things that he told me in my visit that I think are very -- that have a lot of resonance for public policy and politics today. You know, I don't care if you're a Democrat or a Republican, if you were running for president, don't you dare say that you have ever created a job. Because you have not. It's people like Anthony Maglica and all of the tinkerpreneurs that I talk about in the book who are the real heroes. And there used to be a time in the 18 and it 19th century when these were the guys that were the rockstars of public life. And I'd love to get back to that place, and that's why I wrote the book.

GLENN: I'll tell you, Michelle, I was just out in Silicon Valley, and I don't know why we're not focusing -- you know, back at the turn of the last century, we had Tesla, Edison, all of these great minds that were changing the world. Well, that's happening again in Silicon Valley. And one of the big names that jumps off the page is -- what's his name from Tesla?

MICHELLE: Elon Musk.

GLENN: Elon Musk. How is Elon Musk not the -- the Tesla or the Edison of our day? These guys -- we don't know these guys. Why is that? And how do we get back there?

MICHELLE: Well, I think a lot of it, of course, is you have the dominance of DC-centric and New York City-centric media outlets and I think the Hollywood cultural left. And they've always demonized business owners and entrepreneurs and people who are on the cutting edge. And, you know, this circles back to what Obama was saying last week that you highlighted. I mean, you have somebody who has insisted that he's, quote, unquote, the president of America, and yet he goes to Georgetown University, he goes to, you know, the elite circles of academia. And what does he do? Well, he indulges the same progressive impulse to wealth shame. That's the phenomenon that I identify in the introduction of the book. Come for the Obama bashing and progressive bashing in the book, and stay for the history.

[laughter]

You know, the idea that economic achievement is random. Like it's the Powerball lottery. And that your lot in life can never be improved, of course, that's what they want to do. This is -- you know, chapter and verse number one and the end -- the beginning, the end, and the middle for the Obama gospel of government dependency. So, of course, what they do is denigrate the very people that offer some hope and inspiration, to people who want to lift themselves up. What is the history of this country? The history of this country has always been about social mobility. Social mobility is anathema to the progressive agenda.

GLENN: Michelle Malkin, the name of the book is Who Built That. It's in stores tomorrow, isn't it?

MICHELLE: Uh-huh.

GLENN: I know you can go to GlennBeck.com/Malkin and order your copy today. It will be at your house by tomorrow. But grab this book. And she said, this does take apart the progressive ideology. It takes apart the things that the president is building and saying. But more importantly, it's good. It's not just the problem, it's the solution. We have to look at -- inside of ourselves and find that entrepreneur and start holding -- if it's not you. Because there are people that work on the lines -- you know, there are people who are actually building the Tesla car. Not all of us can be Elon Musk. That's okay. But we're all part of this. And get your kids excited. Get yourself excited again about the American spirit. Who Built That is the name of the book. Awe-Inspiring Stories of America's Tinkerpreneurs. Michelle Malkin. Available in bookstores everywhere and at GlennBeck.com/Malkin.

Michelle, as always, good to talk to you.

MICHELLE: You too. Take care, Glenn.

GLENN: Thank you. Buh-bye.

Exposed: The radical Left's bloody rampage against America

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For years, the media warned of right-wing terror. But the bullets, bombs, and body bags are piling up on the left — with support from Democrat leaders and voters.

For decades, the media and federal agencies have warned Americans that the greatest threat to our homeland is the political right — gun-owning veterans, conservative Christians, anyone who ever voted for President Donald Trump. President Joe Biden once declared that white supremacy is “the single most dangerous terrorist threat” in the nation.

Since Trump’s re-election, the rhetoric has only escalated. Outlets like the Washington Post and the Guardian warned that his second term would trigger a wave of far-right violence.

As Democrats bleed working-class voters and lose control of their base, they’re not moderating. They’re radicalizing.

They were wrong.

The real domestic threat isn’t coming from MAGA grandmas or rifle-toting red-staters. It’s coming from the radical left — the anarchists, the Marxists, the pro-Palestinian militants, and the anti-American agitators who have declared war on law enforcement, elected officials, and civil society.

Willful blindness

On July 4, a group of black-clad terrorists ambushed an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Alvarado, Texas. They hurled fireworks at the building, spray-painted graffiti, and then opened fire on responding law enforcement, shooting a local officer in the neck. Journalist Andy Ngo has linked the attackers to an Antifa cell in the Dallas area.

Authorities have so far charged 14 people in the plot and recovered AR-style rifles, body armor, Kevlar vests, helmets, tactical gloves, and radios. According to the Department of Justice, this was a “planned ambush with intent to kill.”

And it wasn’t an isolated incident. It’s part of a growing pattern of continuous violent left-wing incidents since December last year.

Monthly attacks

Most notably, in December 2024, 26-year-old Luigi Mangione allegedly gunned down UnitedHealth Group CEO Brian Thompson in Manhattan. Mangione reportedly left a manifesto raging against the American health care system and was glorified by some on social media as a kind of modern Robin Hood.

One Emerson College poll found that 41% of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 said the murder was “acceptable” or “somewhat acceptable.”

The next month, a man carrying Molotov cocktails was arrested near the U.S. Capitol. He allegedly planned to assassinate Trump-appointed Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, and House Speaker Mike Johnson.

In February, the “Tesla Takedown” attacks on Tesla vehicles and dealerships started picking up traction.

In March, a self-described “queer scientist” was arrested after allegedly firebombing the Republican Party headquarters in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Graffiti on the burned building read “ICE = KKK.”

In April, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro’s (D-Pa.) official residence was firebombed on Passover night. The suspect allegedly set the governor’s mansion on fire because of what Shapiro, who is Jewish, “wants to do to the Palestinian people.”

In May, two young Israeli embassy staffers were shot and killed outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C. Witnesses said the shooter shouted “Free Palestine” as he was being arrested. The suspect told police he acted “for Gaza” and was reportedly linked to the Party for Socialism and Liberation.

In June, an Egyptian national who had entered the U.S. illegally allegedly threw a firebomb at a peaceful pro-Israel rally in Boulder, Colorado. Eight people were hospitalized, and an 82-year-old Holocaust survivor later died from her injuries.

That same month, a pro-Palestinian rioter in New York was arrested for allegedly setting fire to 11 police vehicles. In Los Angeles, anti-ICE rioters smashed cars, set fires, and hurled rocks at law enforcement. House Democrats refused to condemn the violence.

Barbara Davidson / Contributor | Getty Images

In Portland, Oregon, rioters tried to burn down another ICE facility and assaulted police officers before being dispersed with tear gas. Graffiti left behind read: “Kill your masters.”

On July 7, a Michigan man opened fire on a Customs and Border Protection facility in McAllen, Texas, wounding two police officers and an agent. Border agents returned fire, killing the suspect.

Days later in California, ICE officers conducting a raid on an illegal cannabis farm in Ventura County were attacked by left-wing activists. One protester appeared to fire at federal agents.

This is not a series of isolated incidents. It’s a timeline of escalation. Political assassinations, firebombings, arson, ambushes — all carried out in the name of radical leftist ideology.

Democrats are radicalizing

This isn’t just the work of fringe agitators. It’s being enabled — and in many cases encouraged — by elected Democrats.

Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz routinely calls ICE “Trump’s modern-day Gestapo.” Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass attempted to block an ICE operation in her city. Boston Mayor Michelle Wu compared ICE agents to a neo-Nazi group. Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson referred to them as “secret police terrorizing our communities.”

Apparently, other Democratic lawmakers, according to Axios, are privately troubled by their own base. One unnamed House Democrat admitted that supporters were urging members to escalate further: “Some of them have suggested what we really need to do is be willing to get shot.” Others were demanding blood in the streets to get the media’s attention.

A study from Rutgers University and the National Contagion Research Institute found that 55% of Americans who identify as “left of center” believe that murdering Donald Trump would be at least “somewhat justified.”

As Democrats bleed working-class voters and lose control of their base, they’re not moderating. They’re radicalizing. They don’t want the chaos to stop. They want to harness it, normalize it, and weaponize it.

The truth is, this isn’t just about ICE. It’s not even about Trump. It’s about whether a republic can survive when one major party decides that our institutions no longer apply.

Truth still matters. Law and order still matter. And if the left refuses to defend them, then we must be the ones who do.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

America's comeback: Trump is crushing crime in the Capitol

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

Trump’s DC crackdown is about more than controlling crime — it’s about restoring America’s strength and credibility on the world stage.

Donald Trump on Monday invoked Section 740 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act, placing the D.C. Metropolitan Police Department under direct federal control and deploying the National Guard to restore law and order. This move is long overdue.

D.C.’s crime problem has been spiraling for years as local authorities and Democratic leadership have abandoned the nation’s capital to the consequences of their own failed policies. The city’s murder rate is about three times higher than that of Islamabad, Pakistan, and 18 times higher than that of communist-led Havana, Cuba.

When DC is in chaos, it sends a message to the world that America is weak.

Theft, assaults, and carjackings have transformed many of its streets into war zones. D.C. saw a 32% increase in homicides from 2022 to 2023, marking the highest number in two decades and surpassing both New York and Los Angeles. Even if crime rates dropped to 2019 levels, that wouldn’t be good enough.

Local leaders have downplayed the crisis, manipulating crime stats to preserve their image. Felony assault, for example, is no longer considered a “violent crime” in their crime stats. Same with carjacking. But the reality on the streets is different. People in D.C. are living in constant fear.

Trump isn’t waiting for the crime rate to improve on its own. He’s taking action.

Broken windows theory in action

Trump’s takeover of D.C. puts the “broken windows theory” into action — the idea that ignoring minor crimes invites bigger ones. When authorities look the other way on turnstile-jumping or graffiti, they signal that lawbreaking carries no real consequence.

Rudy Giuliani used this approach in the 1990s to clean up New York, cracking down on small offenses before they escalated. Trump is doing the same in the capital, drawing a hard line and declaring enough is enough. Letting crime fester in Washington tells the world that the seat of American power tolerates lawlessness.

What Trump is doing for D.C. isn’t just about law enforcement — it’s about national identity. When D.C. is in chaos, it sends a message to the world that America is weak. The capital city represents the soul of the country. If we can’t even keep our own capital safe, how can we expect anyone to take us seriously?

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

Reversing the decline

Anyone who has visited D.C. regularly over the past several years has witnessed its rapid decline. Homeless people bathe in the fountains outside Union Station. People are tripping out in Dupont Circle. The left’s negligence is a disgrace, enabling drug use and homelessness to explode on our capital’s streets while depriving these individuals of desperately needed care and help.

Restoring law and order to D.C. is not about politics or scoring points. It’s about doing what’s right for the people. It’s about protecting communities, taking the vulnerable off the streets, and sending the message to both law-abiding and law-breaking citizens alike that the rule of law matters.

D.C. should be a lesson to the rest of America. If we want to take our cities back, we need leadership willing to take bold action. Trump is showing how to do it.

Now, it’s time for other cities to step up and follow his lead. We can restore law and order. We can make our cities something to be proud of again.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

POLL: Can Trump make D.C. great again?

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For years, Washington, D.C., has been a symbol of everything wrong with big government—riddled with crime, manipulated stats, and soft-on-crime policies that let gangs terrorize innocent citizens while the elite turn a blind eye. Now, President Trump is stepping up, deploying federal agents after a savage attack on a hero like Edward Coristine, vowing no more "Mr. Nice Guy" as he promises to jail criminals, clear out the homeless encampments, and restore order just like he sealed the border. This isn't just a crackdown; it's a reclamation of our capital from the chaos liberals have unleashed.

Glenn has already covered this on his radio show, exposing how legacy media and Democrats twist crime numbers. They claim that there was a 35% drop in crime while ignoring FBI data showing only a 10% decline, and murders are still sky-high compared to pre-pandemic days. Trump's policies draw parallels to the 1990s, when Congress took control and turned things around, proving that strong leadership can counteract progressive failures. With Democratic mayors crying "power grab" in failing cities like Chicago and Baltimore, it's clear: Trump's bold move is a lifeline for liberty, not a threat. Our capital should be a shining example of America, where leaders can work in peace and foreign representatives can see what this nation stands for without fearing for their lives.

Our nation's heart is at risk from the gaslighting establishment that benefits from disorder, absurdly framing Trump's actions as a "military takeover." Is this the leadership America needs, or will we let the swamp dictate the narrative?

Glenn wants to know what YOU think: Can we trust the media's spin? Should Trump expand this fight? Make your voice heard in the poll below:

Do you support President Trump's deployment of federal agents to crack down on D.C. crime?

Do you believe liberal media and Democrats are manipulating crime stats to undermine Trump's efforts?

Is Trump's plan to jail criminals and relocate the homeless a necessary step to restore order in our capital?

Do you see Democratic policies as the root cause of rising violence in cities like D.C., Chicago, and Baltimore?

Should Trump extend this federal intervention to other failing blue cities to protect American liberty?

Durham annex exposes Hillary’s hand in Russiagate deception

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Newly declassified documents show that Hillary Clinton approved the Russia hoax strategy — and that the Obama White House was briefed from the beginning.

Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) last week declassified a 29-page document known as the Durham annex. Its publication has received remarkably little attention from major media outlets, despite containing one of the most significant intelligence disclosures since the origins of the Russiagate investigation.

The Durham annex is not conjecture, analysis, or political spin. It is a collection of sensitive intelligence reports, internal memos, and declassified emails compiled by the intelligence community and withheld from public view for years under the pretext of “source protection.”

The Durham annex reveals that the FBI ignored evidence in 2015 and 2016 suggesting that foreign governments were attempting to collude not with Trump, but with Clinton.

The declassified document offers a clearer view of what many Americans have long suspected: that the narrative surrounding Trump-Russia collusion was not only politically motivated but deliberately constructed by the Clinton campaign, facilitated by sympathetic actors within U.S. intelligence agencies, and ultimately endorsed by senior members of the Obama administration.

This trove of documents does not merely reinforce existing criticisms of the FBI’s conduct during the 2016 election. It provides evidence that the Clinton campaign approved a strategy to discredit Donald Trump by promoting a false association with Vladimir Putin. And it does so using intelligence collected from foreign surveillance of American political actors — surveillance that the CIA deemed credible enough to brief President Barack Obama directly.

The cover-up unraveled

Central to the Durham annex is a source codenamed “T1” — a foreign intelligence asset who intercepted Russian cyber-espionage activity targeting American entities, including George Soros’ Open Society Foundation, the Clinton campaign, and U.S. think tanks. The reports T1 relayed to U.S. intelligence included detailed assessments of internal American political strategy. In effect, T1 was watching Russian spies watch us — and reporting back.

T1’s identity remains classified, but strong circumstantial evidence points to a Dutch intelligence source. The Netherlands reportedly gained access to Russian cyber operations as early as 2014. Regardless of who provided it, U.S. agencies treated the intelligence from T1 as credible.

Then-CIA Director John Brennan quickly briefed President Obama, Vice President Biden, FBI Director James Comey, and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper. Those briefings included memos indicating Hillary Clinton had personally approved a plan to tie Donald Trump to Russian election interference.

One memo, dated 2016 and reportedly obtained through Russian surveillance of George Soros’ Open Society Foundations, outlined a Clinton campaign strategy: “Smear Donald Trump by magnifying the scandal” over Russia’s preference for Trump. That memo laid the groundwork for the Trump-Russia collusion hoax now known as Russiagate.

Intelligence running Clinton’s interference

The CIA labeled the intelligence “sensitive” and credible. The FBI rejected it. Agents claimed it relied on hearsay, appeared exaggerated, and might have suffered from translation errors.

That kind of skepticism might seem reasonable — if the FBI had applied the same scrutiny to the Steele dossier. Instead, they accepted that now-debunked document without verification and used it to justify surveillance warrants.

The inconsistency runs deeper than analysis. The Durham annex reveals that the FBI ignored evidence from 2015 and 2016 showing that foreign governments weren’t courting Trump — they were cozying up to Clinton.

One memo, written before Trump even announced his candidacy, described a foreign intelligence operative preparing to meet with a Clinton associate to discuss a “plan.” The operative was acting on direct orders from a foreign head of state

Gilbert Carrasquillo / Contributor | Getty Images

The precise content of the plan is redacted, but the FBI’s field office viewed it as serious enough to request a FISA warrant. That request, however, was left to “languish in limbo” by senior FBI officials, who subsequently warned Clinton in a defensive briefing.

Frayed trust, no accountability

The documents suggest a coordinated operation — one in which political, bureaucratic, and media institutions aligned to discredit a political opponent using information they had strong reasons to believe was false. The CIA deemed the intelligence worth a presidential briefing. The FBI discarded it. The media ignored it. And Clinton operatives implemented it.

This is not merely a scandal of partisan excess. Nearly 10 years after the first Hillary Clinton email leaks, and eight years after Trump’s unexpected victory, we are only now beginning to see the scope of institutional complicity in the Russiagate deception. The political cost may never be fully calculated, but the institutional damage — to the FBI, to the intelligence community, and to the trust of the American people — is already done.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.