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Glenn's Show Prep

This is why Jim Gaffigan is one of Glenn’s favorite comedians

June 09, 2015
Staff

WRITER

Jim Gaffigan may be one of the funniest men in America. Not only does he manage to make hot pockets, bacon, and fatherhood hilarious, he stays funny without veering into politics. He’s got a new TV show starting in a couple weeks, and he joined Glenn on radio to discuss the show, McDonald’s ridiculous new McKale, and more.

Find out more about The Jim Gaffigan Show

GLENN: Jim Gaffigan is a funny man and comedian who has a problem with some -- some food items, we understand. But loves them Hot Pockets. John Gaffigan is with us now. Hello, John.

JIM: John?

[laughter]

GLENN: Do you miss the days when you had to get up early in the morning and do a radio interview with people who had no idea who you were?

JIM: Oh, my gosh, that's a great observation. Yeah. Well, you know, the whole thing is like doing this TV show, Glenn. It's way too much work. I know you're a colossal workaholic. But there's too much acting that occurs before 10:00 a.m. That's my whole thing. It's a TV show.

I had a pickup one time at 3:00 a.m. 3:00 a.m. I'm used to working for an hour a night where it's just me with a microphone. And I'm supposed to be cooperative with people at 4:30 in the morning? But...

GLENN: So, Jim, looking at your hourly wage then, I would say you're probably for the 15-dollar an hour for food workers?

JIM: Well, you know, I am someone who eats -- I probably singlehandedly kept McDonald's afloat in the past couple of months. But I most certainly -- I have worked in a fast food place. But, you know, I am for, you know, businesses making a profit. But I don't know. You know, it's like that's above my pay grade.

GLENN: Are you -- how do you feel about the kale announcement with McDonald's?

JIM: I felt like that was a sellout, you know. That's like us negotiating with ISIS.

GLENN: I mean --

JIM: Like, McDonald's, how dare you. How dare you betray -- you know what I mean? The kale thing. I appreciate the value of it being good for us. But that's not why we're going to McDonald's. All right. We're going to McDonald's because we really don't like ourselves. And we want a moment of happiness, Glenn. And we all know that. No one is going to McDonald's and then jogging, all right. We're going to McDonald's because we don't want to jog. Because -- because those fries are insane.

GLENN: When did you -- when did you -- because you really are one of my heroes. A, I mean this sincerely, you I believe are one of the funniest men in America. I would say the planet. But I don't speak other languages, so I don't know. But you're the funniest man in America now. And what I really admire, you're a hero of mine because you have just surrendered. You've just said, I'm going to be fat and lazy and I'm okay with that.

JIM: Yeah. Thank you for saying those -- but I think that there's a surrender, but there's also -- you know, my act and this show that is -- you know, you can download a free episode on i Tunes -- is all about an exploration of the id (phonetic). It's not how we should live. We don't want to -- we all want to lie in bed all day and eat bacon. But we can't. But that's romanticizing laziness and glut any is, you know -- it's the lesser of the sins. Right?

PAT: Right.

JIM: There's something about -- I'm not proposing that people consume the way I talk. You know, the funny thing is, people used to say. Gosh, you really talk. Your act, you sound like a morbidly obese person the way you joke about food. And now people come up to me and say, wow, you really joke a lot about food. Implying that I've gained a lot of weight.

But I don't know. Hopefully I'm romanticizing it. You know, when I wrote -- I do everything with my wife. And when we wrote Food: A Love Story, she was very insistent that we had a disclaimer in the beginning that said or more or less, this is no way to lead your life. I was like, I think you have to give people credit. They know I'm joking, you know.

GLENN: I have to tell you, Jim. You're crushing me. You are my hero up until about 45 seconds ago. I thought you did lay in bed all day and eat bacon.

JIM: I wish I could. I wish I could. But unfortunately, you know, I've got -- I've got a lot of kids. And I say a lot of kids because I don't know the real number because there's so many. I have a lot of kids, Glenn. I have an 11-year-old. A 9-year-old. A 6-year-old. A 3-year-old. A 2-year-old.

GLENN: You know what's causing that. Right?

You can't stop it.

JIM: Jesus caused it. No, I know what causes it. But, you know, I have to make some money.

GLENN: May I ask you a question. I read your book. What is it? Dad is Fat, which I just thought was hysterical. But the thought where you talk about the tarp was not enough over the living room at the birthing of your child at home. I wondered why someone would actually -- I mean, when there are modern hospitals, why you would birth a child at home.

JIM: Well, you know, this is right in your wheelhouse, Glenn. The home birth thing is real. It's -- it's -- we've been kind of brainwashed. And understandably. I understand your point of view that home birth is kind of like having someone inexperienced fix an airplane you're about to fly on. It sounds dangerous.

GLENN: No. It's not that it's dangerous. It's just the clean-up. And I'm a very, very big believer in, if I'm in pain, I must be in Cuba. I want medicine. I don't want pain.

JIM: Yeah. Oh, yeah. It's not like I had the kids. You know, my wife. I was sitting -- I was on more medication than her. But I think that -- look, we're human beings. We've been having -- I can't believe I'm talking about home birth. But we've been having babies for a long time. And there is -- there's been this -- I think this -- you know, it's -- that's how it used to be. You know, I'm from the Midwest. You know, my grandparents weren't born in a hospital probably. And so it's -- it's not something that we have been doing. There's less germs in your house than in a hospital. But now I sound like the home birth --

GLENN: No, I just want to know. Because there is a side of you, Jim. Not the stage side of you. There is a side of you -- my mother was born on the kitchen table. And my grandfather used to tell us all the time while we were eating. It didn't work for me.

JIM: Yeah.

GLENN: But there is a side of you that is a serious guy. And somewhat really odd.

JIM: Yeah. Well, thank you.

GLENN: You're welcome.

JIM: No, I'm a very misanthropic optimist. I think that I am -- you know, it's like -- you know, I'm kind of -- I think of myself as, you know, somebody that -- of our childhood. It seems like there was this time when like somebody could be kind of Catholic and cynical and they could be all these things and also open-hearted and stuff like that. I don't know. Anyway, what I'm saying is, I'm a great guy.

[laughter]

No, I think of myself, yeah, I'm definitely -- I mean, Glenn, I go on stage and make strangers laugh. There's nothing normal about that, you know what I mean?

GLENN: What's it like to be -- because I'm at the opposite end of the spectrum. I'm either loved or I'm absolutely hated. I think you're either loved or they just haven't seen you yet. What's it like to be universally loved? Tell me your sob story. Tell me the bad times.

JIM: That's very nice again. But here's the thing, I think there's also something about I serve as -- because I saw this even in the kind of rise in some of my popularity. There was all these anti-Bush comedians. There were the blue-collar guys that were kind of attacked for, you know -- I don't know what they were attacked for. And then there was me talking about muffins. You know what I mean? And so I'm the beneficiary of not -- not engaging -- well, it's what you do. Your job is to question things. Right?

From your point of view. And so what my -- I deal with the minutia. I think people come to my show as a break from --

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

JIM: You know what I mean?

PAT: No doubt about it.

JIM: Let me be clear. I've been doing stand up for a long time. I'm a pale blond guy where if I talk about things political, the audience tightens up.

GLENN: Yeah, I don't want you to. We've talked about this when you asked, you know, if I would be on your first episode. And I told the guys, I said, everybody is on this episode. He has everybody. Because we didn't want to know. And I don't want to know your political views. I don't want to know anything about you. Because you really are -- you're unspoiled. There's not many things we can go to anymore -- and where I can sit next to Rachel Maddow and the two of us could just laugh our faces off. That's really needed in America.

JIM: Well, thank you.

PAT: Plus, it's really hard to be funny and not dirty. And to be funny about muffins and Hot Pockets and kale is hard. What you do, Jim, is probably the toughest comedy in the country.

JIM: Well, thanks. I just kind of do what I do. I will say that if there is some negative -- I mean, there's nothing sexy about what I do. So --

GLENN: I mean, you're not scooping up the chicks afterwards, I'm sure.

JIM: No. And there's nothing -- and I'm grateful so that I can call in and I'm so grateful that you participated in the show. But there's nothing -- like, I'm never going to be on the cover of GQ. And that's fine. But there's -- there's also -- I'm like -- I had this joke -- my wife wouldn't let me do it. I wanted to call -- because the accusation that gets leveled at me is that I'm mainstream. So Republicans and Democrats both like my stuff. So some people say, oh, it's too mainstream. It's not niche enough. I wanted to call my tour [foreign language] which is French for mainstream. You know, but that's not that bad.

[laughter]

STU: Because in the show, the first episode, the Jim Gaffigan show, you have to get on i Tunes, it's a great show -- even with all your trying to stay away from controversy, you kind of get pulled into something on the show that kind of stems from a real incident. Right?

JIM: Yeah. Actually they're sampling different episodes. But the one that Glenn is in and that was on my website was inspired by the fact, I'm Catholic. And my wife is Shiite Catholic.

[laughter]

And that's very rare in the entertainment industry. It's like, look, I spent 15 years as an atheist. So it's like, I understand that like there is a somewhat of a disconnect of being this comedian. This cynical comedian to be a person of faith. So that was kind of inspired. It was actually inspired by when I wrote that book Dad is Fat. There was a Washington Post article that kind of identified me as the leader of a new Catholic evangelicalism. And I was like -- that was some of the -- the -- you know -- and I love the idea of being outed as a Christian in this day and age.

GLENN: It's a different world. Jim, we want to hit your tour. You can find out all about his tour on JimGaffigan.com. I want to thank you for not coming really anywhere close to you so we can see you. So we have to travel now.

JIM: I was just in Dallas.

GLENN: I was out of town that day. You didn't call, okay.

STU: You were supposed to schedule --

JIM: I know. I was very selfish.

GLENN: My children came. And they liked it. But big, fat dad had to be in another state.

JIM: You were probably publishing two books.

STU: Do you see a serious issue in the world of comedy, Jim, of that because you deal with this in the episode that Glenn is in which is you were outed as a hero of the Christian comedian movement. Then the entire world turns on you in one second because of something else you did and then all of a sudden you're the vicious enemy of all things religious. I feel like it's actually a real thing you're playing off here which is a constant search for outrage. Every time a comedian says anything, there's one side or the other that will come after them and try to attack them.

GLENN: Comedian, shut up.

PAT: Isn't it ruining comedy?

JIM: Yeah. I think there is something very interesting -- you know what I think it is? I think everybody really wants to look smart. And the way we can look smart is to identify mistakes people have made. And in social media, it's really easy to say, you spelled that word wrong. Or that -- you know, if you read that sentence wrong, it can -- you can be characterizing -- it can be characterized as homophobic. Look, words are important. But I also think that we're kind of getting away from like the bigger picture kind of stuff of, you know -- again, it's not -- it's not my wheelhouse. But, you know, there is this kind of outrage police that exists. And I think that it's important. I mean, obviously we don't want horrible things to happen. And things we -- things that rational or enlightened (phonetic) -- but those things that -- we're losing some of our sense of humor. You know, I'm glad that I'm married now because I can't imagine being flirtatious in this day and age. Maybe because I was so bad at it. But I remember having that thought, I wouldn't want to try to be flirtatious with a woman at a bar. I think that 15 years ago, you could kind of make a moron out of yourself and it wouldn't be the end of the day. But now, if you do that, it could be really ugly. And, you know, you wouldn't want, you know, to make someone uncomfortable. But I think now people are instructed to be more uncomfortable when we should let things kind of slide off our back like they used to.

GLENN: Jim Gaffigan. He has the Jim Gaffigan Show on i Tunes. And it is really, really funny. Worth watching. If you've never seen him before in person, grab a ticket. You will laugh all night. Truly, truly one of the funniest men in America today. Jim Gaffigan at JimGaffigan.com. Jim, thank you so much for including us in the show. We'd love to have you back. It's rare that we get a chance to really laugh hard and our audience loves you and we love you. And you're welcome here any time.

JIM: Thanks so much. I really appreciate it.

GLENN: God bless. JimGaffigan.com.

Glenn Beck: Here's what's WRONG with conservatism today

Getty Images / Handout | Getty Images

What does it mean to be a conservative in 2025? Glenn offers guidance on what conservatives need to do to ensure the conservative movement doesn't fade into oblivion. We have to get back to PRINCIPLES, not policies.

To be a conservative in 2025 means to STAND

  • for Stewardship, protecting the wisdom of our Founders;
  • for Truth, defending objective reality in an age of illusion;
  • for Accountability, living within our means as individuals and as a nation;
  • for Neighborhood, rebuilding family, faith, and local community;
  • and for Duty, carrying freedom forward to the next generation.

A conservative doesn’t cling to the past — he stands guard over the principles that make the future possible.

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: You know, I'm so tired of being against everything. Saying what we're not.

It's time that we start saying what we are. And it's hard, because we're changing. It's different to be a conservative, today, than it was, you know, years ago.

And part of that is just coming from hard knocks. School of hard knocks. We've learned a lot of lessons on things we thought we were for. No, no, no.

But conservatives. To be a conservative, it shouldn't be about policies. It's really about principles. And that's why we've lost our way. Because we've lost our principles. And it's easy. Because the world got easy. And now the world is changing so rapidly. The boundaries between truth and illusion are blurred second by second. Machines now think. Currencies falter. Families fractured. And nations, all over the world, have forgotten who they are.

So what does it mean to be a conservative now, in 2025, '26. For a lot of people, it means opposing the left. That's -- that's a reaction. That's not renewal.

That's a reaction. It can't mean also worshiping the past, as if the past were perfect. The founders never asked for that.

They asked that we would preserve the principles and perfect their practice. They knew it was imperfect. To make a more perfect nation.

Is what we're supposed to be doing.

2025, '26 being a conservative has to mean stewardship.

The stewardship of a nation, of a civilization.

Of a moral inheritance. That is too precious to abandon.

What does it mean to conserve? To conserve something doesn't mean to stand still.

It means to stand guard. It means to defend what the Founders designed. The separation of powers. The rule of law.

The belief that our rights come not from kings or from Congress, but from the creator himself.
This is a system that was not built for ease. It was built for endurance, and it will endure if we only teach it again!

The problem is, we only teach it like it's a museum piece. You know, it's not a museum piece. It's not an old dusty document. It's a living covenant between the dead, the living and the unborn.

So this chapter of -- of conservatism. Must confront reality. Economic reality.

Global reality.

And moral reality.

It's not enough just to be against something. Or chant tax cuts or free markets.

We have to ask -- we have to start with simple questions like freedom, yes. But freedom for what?

Freedom for economic sovereignty. Your right to produce and to innovate. To build without asking Beijing's permission. That's a moral issue now.

Another moral issue: Debt! It's -- it's generational theft. We're spending money from generations we won't even meet.

And dependence. Another moral issue. It's a national weakness.

People cannot stand up for themselves. They can't make it themselves. And we're encouraging them to sit down, shut up, and don't think.

And the conservative who can't connect with fiscal prudence, and connect fiscal prudence to moral duty, you're not a conservative at all.

Being a conservative today, means you have to rebuild an economy that serves liberty, not one that serves -- survives by debt, and then there's the soul of the nation.

We are living through a time period. An age of dislocation. Where our families are fractured.

Our faith is almost gone.

Meaning is evaporating so fast. Nobody knows what meaning of life is. That's why everybody is killing themselves. They have no meaning in life. And why they don't have any meaning, is truth itself is mocked and blurred and replaced by nothing, but lies and noise.

If you want to be a conservative, then you have to be to become the moral compass that reminds a lost people, liberty cannot survive without virtue.

That freedom untethered from moral order is nothing, but chaos!

And that no app, no algorithm, no ideology is ever going to fill the void, where meaning used to live!

To be a conservative, moving forward, we cannot just be about policies.

We have to defend the sacred, the unseen, the moral architecture, that gives people an identity. So how do you do that? Well, we have to rebuild competence. We have to restore institutions that actually work. Just in the last hour, this monologue on what we're facing now, because we can't open the government.

Why can't we open the government?

Because government is broken. Why does nobody care? Because education is broken.

We have to reclaim education, not as propaganda, but as the formation of the mind and the soul. Conservatives have to champion innovation.

Not to imitate Silicon Valley's chaos, but to harness technology in defense of human dignity. Don't be afraid of AI.

Know what it is. Know it's a tool. It's a tool to strengthen people. As long as you always remember it's a tool. Otherwise, you will lose your humanity to it!

That's a conservative principle. To be a conservative, we have to restore local strength. Our families are the basic building blocks, our schools, our churches, and our charities. Not some big, distant NGO that was started by the Tides Foundation, but actual local charities, where you see people working. A web of voluntary institutions that held us together at one point. Because when Washington fails, and it will, it already has, the neighborhood has to stand.

Charlie Kirk was doing one thing that people on our side were not doing. Speaking to the young.

But not in nostalgia.

Not in -- you know, Reagan, Reagan, Reagan.

In purpose. They don't remember. They don't remember who Dick Cheney was.

I was listening to Fox news this morning, talking about Dick Cheney. And there was somebody there that I know was not even born when Dick Cheney. When the World Trade Center came down.

They weren't even born. They were telling me about Dick Cheney.

And I was like, come on. Come on. Come on.

If you don't remember who Dick Cheney was, how are you going to remember 9/11. How will you remember who Reagan was.

That just says, that's an old man's creed. No, it's not.

It's the ultimate timeless rebellion against tyranny in all of its forms. Yes, and even the tyranny of despair, which is eating people alive!

We need to redefine ourselves. Because we have changed, and that's a good thing. The creed for a generation, that will decide the fate of the republic, is what we need to find.

A conservative in 2025, '26.

Is somebody who protects the enduring principles of American liberty and self-government.

While actively stewarding the institutions. The culture. The economy of this nation!

For those who are alive and yet to be unborn.

We have to be a group of people that we're not anchored in the past. Or in rage! But in reason. And morality. Realism. And hope for the future.

We're the stewards! We're the ones that have to relight the torch, not just hold it. We didn't -- we didn't build this Torch. We didn't make this Torch. We're the keepers of the flame, but we are honor-bound to pass that forward, and conservatives are viewed as people who just live in the past. We're not here to merely conserve the past, but to renew it. To sort it. What worked, what didn't work. We're the ones to say to the world, there's still such a thing as truth. There's still such a thing as virtue. You can deny it all you want.

But the pain will only get worse. There's still such a thing as America!

And if now is not the time to renew America. When is that time?

If you're not the person. If we're not the generation to actively stand and redefine and defend, then who is that person?

We are -- we are supposed to preserve what works.

That -- you know, I was writing something this morning.

I was making notes on this. A constitutionalist is for restraint. A progressive, if you will, for lack of a better term, is for more power.

Progressives want the government to have more power.

Conservatives are for more restraint.

But the -- for the American eagle to fly, we must have both wings.

And one can't be stronger than the other.

We as a conservative, are supposed to look and say, no. Don't look at that. The past teaches us this, this, and this. So don't do that.

We can't do that. But there are these things that we were doing in the past, that we have to jettison. And maybe the other side has a good idea on what should replace that. But we're the ones who are supposed to say, no, but remember the framework.

They're -- they can dream all they want.
They can come up with all these utopias and everything else, and we can go, "That's a great idea."

But how do we make it work with this framework? Because that's our job. The point of this is, it takes both. It takes both.

We have to have the customs and the moral order. And the practices that have stood the test of time, in trial.

We -- we're in an amazing, amazing time. Amazing time.

We live at a time now, where anything -- literally anything is possible!

I don't want to be against stuff. I want to be for the future. I want to be for a rich, dynamic future. One where we are part of changing the world for the better!

Where more people are lifted out of poverty, more people are given the freedom to choose, whatever it is that they want to choose, as their own government and everything.

I don't want to force it down anybody's throat.

We -- I am so excited to be a shining city on the hill again.

We have that opportunity, right in front of us!

But not in we get bogged down in hatred, in division.

Not if we get bogged down into being against something.

We must be for something!

I know what I'm for.

Do you?

How America’s elites fell for the same lie that fueled Auschwitz

Anadolu / Contributor | Getty Images

The drone footage out of Gaza isn’t just war propaganda — it’s a glimpse of the same darkness that once convinced men they were righteous for killing innocents.

Evil introduces itself subtly. It doesn’t announce, “Hi, I’m here to destroy you.” It whispers. It flatters. It borrows the language of justice, empathy, and freedom, twisting them until hatred sounds righteous and violence sounds brave.

We are watching that same deception unfold again — in the streets, on college campuses, and in the rhetoric of people who should know better. It’s the oldest story in the world, retold with new slogans.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage.

A drone video surfaced this week showing Hamas terrorists staging the “discovery” of a hostage’s body. They pushed a corpse out of a window, dragged it into a hole, buried it, and then called in aid workers to “find” what they themselves had planted. It was theater — evil, disguised as victimhood. And it was caught entirely on camera.

That’s how evil operates. It never comes in through the front door. It sneaks in, often through manipulative pity. The same spirit animates the moral rot spreading through our institutions — from the halls of universities to the chambers of government.

Take Zohran Mamdani, a New York assemblyman who has praised jihadists and defended pro-Hamas agitators. His father, a Columbia University professor, wrote that America and al-Qaeda are morally equivalent — that suicide bombings shouldn’t be viewed as barbaric. Imagine thinking that way after watching 3,000 Americans die on 9/11. That’s not intellectualism. That’s indoctrination.

Often, that indoctrination comes from hostile foreign actors, peddled by complicit pawns on our own soil. The pro-Hamas protests that erupted across campuses last year, for example, were funded by Iran — a regime that murders its own citizens for speaking freely.

Ancient evil, new clothes

But the deeper danger isn’t foreign money. It’s the spiritual blindness that lets good people believe resentment is justice and envy is discernment. Scripture talks about the spirit of Amalek — the eternal enemy of God’s people, who attacks the weak from behind while the strong look away. Amalek never dies; it just changes its vocabulary and form with the times.

Today, Amalek tweets. He speaks through professors who defend terrorism as “anti-colonial resistance.” He preaches from pulpits that call violence “solidarity.” And he recruits through algorithms, whispering that the Jews control everything, that America had it coming, that chaos is freedom. Those are ancient lies wearing new clothes.

When nations embrace those lies, it’s not the Jews who perish first. It’s the nations themselves. The soul dies long before the body. The ovens of Auschwitz didn’t start with smoke; they started with silence and slogans.

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

A time for choosing

So what do we do? We speak truth — calmly, firmly, without venom. Because hatred can’t kill hatred; it only feeds it. Truth, compassion, and courage starve it to death.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage. That’s how Amalek survives — by making you fight him with his own weapons. The only victory that lasts is moral clarity without malice, courage without cruelty.

The war we’re fighting isn’t new. It’s the same battle between remembrance and amnesia, covenant and chaos, humility and pride. The same spirit that whispered to Pharaoh, to Hitler, and to every mob that thought hatred could heal the world is whispering again now — on your screens, in your classrooms, in your churches.

Will you join it, or will you stand against it?

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Bill Gates ends climate fear campaign, declares AI the future ruler

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

The Big Tech billionaire once said humanity must change or perish. Now he claims we’ll survive — just as elites prepare total surveillance.

For decades, Americans have been told that climate change is an imminent apocalypse — the existential threat that justifies every intrusion into our lives, from banning gas stoves to rationing energy to tracking personal “carbon scores.”

Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates helped lead that charge. He warned repeatedly that the “climate disaster” would be the greatest crisis humanity would ever face. He invested billions in green technology and demanded the world reach net-zero emissions by 2050 “to avoid catastrophe.”

The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch.

Now, suddenly, he wants everyone to relax: Climate change “will not lead to humanity’s demise” after all.

Gates was making less of a scientific statement and more of a strategic pivot. When elites retire a crisis, it’s never because the threat is gone — it’s because a better one has replaced it. And something else has indeed arrived — something the ruling class finds more useful than fear of the weather.The same day Gates downshifted the doomsday rhetoric, Amazon announced it would pay warehouse workers $30 an hour — while laying off 30,000 people because artificial intelligence will soon do their jobs.

Climate panic was the warm-up. AI control is the main event.

The new currency of power

The world once revolved around oil and gas. Today, it revolves around the electricity demanded by server farms, the chips that power machine learning, and the data that can be used to manipulate or silence entire populations. The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch. Whoever controls energy now controls information. And whoever controls information controls civilization.

Climate alarmism gave elites a pretext to centralize power over energy. Artificial intelligence gives them a mechanism to centralize power over people. The future battles will not be about carbon — they will be about control.

Two futures — both ending in tyranny

Americans are already being pushed into what look like two opposing movements, but both leave the individual powerless.

The first is the technocratic empire being constructed in the name of innovation. In its vision, human work will be replaced by machines, and digital permissions will subsume personal autonomy.

Government and corporations merge into a single authority. Your identity, finances, medical decisions, and speech rights become access points monitored by biometric scanners and enforced by automated gatekeepers. Every step, purchase, and opinion is tracked under the noble banner of “efficiency.”

The second is the green de-growth utopia being marketed as “compassion.” In this vision, prosperity itself becomes immoral. You will own less because “the planet” requires it. Elites will redesign cities so life cannot extend beyond a 15-minute walking radius, restrict movement to save the Earth, and ration resources to curb “excess.” It promises community and simplicity, but ultimately delivers enforced scarcity. Freedom withers when surviving becomes a collective permission rather than an individual right.

Both futures demand that citizens become manageable — either automated out of society or tightly regulated within it. The ruling class will embrace whichever version gives them the most leverage in any given moment.

Climate panic was losing its grip. AI dependency — and the obedience it creates — is far more potent.

The forgotten way

A third path exists, but it is the one today’s elites fear most: the path laid out in our Constitution. The founders built a system that assumes human beings are not subjects to be monitored or managed, but moral agents equipped by God with rights no government — and no algorithm — can override.

Hesham Elsherif / Stringer | Getty Images

That idea remains the most “disruptive technology” in history. It shattered the belief that people need kings or experts or global committees telling them how to live. No wonder elites want it erased.

Soon, you will be told you must choose: Live in a world run by machines or in a world stripped down for planetary salvation. Digital tyranny or rationed equality. Innovation without liberty or simplicity without dignity.

Both are traps.

The only way

The only future worth choosing is the one grounded in ordered liberty — where prosperity and progress exist alongside moral responsibility and personal freedom and human beings are treated as image-bearers of God — not climate liabilities, not data profiles, not replaceable hardware components.

Bill Gates can change his tune. The media can change the script. But the agenda remains the same.

They no longer want to save the planet. They want to run it, and they expect you to obey.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Why the White House restoration sent the left Into panic mode

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Presidents have altered the White House for decades, yet only Donald Trump is treated as a vandal for privately funding the East Wing’s restoration.

Every time a president so much as changes the color of the White House drapes, the press clutches its pearls. Unless the name on the stationery is Barack Obama’s, even routine restoration becomes a national outrage.

President Donald Trump’s decision to privately fund upgrades to the White House — including a new state ballroom — has been met with the usual chorus of gasps and sneers. You’d think he bulldozed Monticello.

If a Republican preserves beauty, it’s vandalism. If a Democrat does the same, it’s ‘visionary.’

The irony is that presidents have altered and expanded the White House for more than a century. President Franklin D. Roosevelt added the East and West Wings in the middle of the Great Depression. Newspapers accused him of building a palace while Americans stood in breadlines. History now calls it “vision.”

First lady Nancy Reagan faced the same hysteria. Headlines accused her of spending taxpayer money on new china “while Americans starved.” In truth, she raised private funds after learning that the White House didn’t have enough matching plates for state dinners. She took the ridicule and refused to pass blame.

“I’m a big girl,” she told her staff. “This comes with the job.” That was dignity — something the press no longer recognizes.

A restoration, not a renovation

Trump’s project is different in every way that should matter. It costs taxpayers nothing. Not a cent. The president and a few friends privately fund the work. There’s no private pool or tennis court, no personal perks. The additions won’t even be completed until after he leaves office.

What’s being built is not indulgence — it’s stewardship. A restoration of aging rooms, worn fixtures, and century-old bathrooms that no longer function properly in the people’s house. Trump has paid for cast brass doorknobs engraved with the presidential seal, restored the carpets and moldings, and ensured that the architecture remains faithful to history.

The media’s response was mockery and accusations of vanity. They call it “grotesque excess,” while celebrating billion-dollar “climate art” projects and funneling hundreds of millions into activist causes like the No Kings movement. They lecture America on restraint while living off the largesse of billionaires.

The selective guardians of history

Where was this sudden reverence for history when rioters torched St. John’s Church — the same church where every president since James Madison has worshipped? The press called it an “expression of grief.”

Where was that reverence when mobs toppled statues of Washington, Jefferson, and Grant? Or when first lady Melania Trump replaced the Rose Garden’s lawn with a patio but otherwise followed Jackie Kennedy’s original 1962 plans in the garden’s restoration? They called that “desecration.”

If a Republican preserves beauty, it’s vandalism. If a Democrat does the same, it’s “visionary.”

The real desecration

The people shrieking about “historic preservation” care nothing for history. They hate the idea that something lasting and beautiful might be built by hands they despise. They mock craftsmanship because it exposes their own cultural decay.

The White House ballroom is not a scandal — it’s a mirror. And what it reflects is the media’s own pettiness. The ruling class that ridicules restoration is the same class that cheered as America’s monuments fell. Its members sneer at permanence because permanence condemns them.

Julia Beverly / Contributor | Getty Images

Trump’s improvements are an act of faith — in the nation’s symbols, its endurance, and its worth. The outrage over a privately funded renovation says less about him than it does about the journalists who mistake destruction for progress.

The real desecration isn’t happening in the East Wing. It’s happening in the newsrooms that long ago tore up their own foundation — truth — and never bothered to rebuild it.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.