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Glenn's powerful interview with NRA member seeking to oust Grover Norquist from NRA board

August 26, 2015
Staff

WRITER

On radio Wednesday, Glenn spoke with Stu Weber, a life-time NRA member, who has taken matters into his own hands in starting a petition to recall Grover Norquist from the NRA board.

This fascinated Glenn, who said Norquist is among the "top ten most dangerous men in America on the right because you don't see him coming."

Listen to the exchange or read the transcript below.

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors.

GLENN: Grover Norquist is a guy that honestly when the left used to say, you know, Grover Norquist, he's a bad guy. He's a real puppet master. I was like, I don't even know who Grover Norquist is. We used to ridicule people who said he was a bad guy.

PAT: We used to do Grover Sesame jokes.

GLENN: Right. Because he --

PAT: Silly to us.

GLENN: Like a lizzie (phonetic). Then we found out who Grover Norquist is. Grover Norquist, most people just think of him as a low tax guy or a free market guy. He's a very dangerous guy. Very dangerous. I believe on the right, he is one of the more dangerous people on the right. Probably top ten most dangerous men in America on the right because you don't see him coming. You don't know who he is or what he's capable of or really what his viewpoint is. He's done so much to enable the Muslim Brotherhood and radicalized Islam here in America, that it is -- it's inexcusable and there's no way -- I mean, we had him on the show. And took him apart. And there's no way to answer logically anything that he is trying to defend. He is friends with some of the worst people in the world, and business associates.

So, anyway, we did this exposé and the NRA is doing an investigation on him. And somebody brought to my attention a new website called Recall Grover Norquist. I think it's called recallGrover.com. And Stu Weber is the guy who started this. And we wanted to get him on. Hi, Stu, how are you?

STU WEBER: I'm very fine, Glenn. A little intimidated talking to the king of talk, you know.

GLENN: Yeah, I know. Well, you going to be talking to Rush later? Because now you're just talking to me.

So, Stu, tell me why you're doing this.

STU WEBER: Well, I'm one of the little people that's in that phrase, we, the people. I live out here in the northwest, have all my life, except when I went to college in Vietnam. And I love my country, and I appreciate the NRA. And I read a lot. I enjoy Bonhoeffer as you do. I remember his statement, not to speak is to speak. Not to act is to act. And I have breakfast every week with two or three guys, who -- we just talk about personal growth issues and concerns. And we finally decided one day, it's time to stop talking, and it's time to do something. So each of us picked a task. And mine ended up being, I'll help the NRA focus on its mission today at a crucial point in our 2016 election cycle and not get distracted by things like Grover.

GLENN: Grover has temporarily stepped aside while this investigation is going on. But it's going to be a long, drawn-out thing. And expensive. And that's the one thing that really kills me with the NRA is that it's really expensive. And they need to focus on winning an election.

STU WEBER: That's where I'm at.

GLENN: Okay. But you're not just trying to get -- you know who Grover is? I mean, why is --

STU WEBER: Well, I've done a lot of reading about Islam. So when I see certain names in association with certain people, it raises my eyebrows. To start at the very beginning, I believe in the Constitution. I took an oath to defend it. It never expires. And I particularly value the first and second amendments because there wouldn't have been a Constitution ratified without them.

And the first one is my freedom of religion and faith and assembly and speech and press. And the second one is the ability to defend it. So those two are very important to me. And that makes the NRA very important to me.

And I happen to know from reading, there is no freedom of religion in Islam. It's, by definition, a state religion. It's a totalitarian way of life. It dictates the religious, economic, social, military, political lives of all the people. It's called a caliphate, a single word. And that's very scary to me.

And then in 2005, I was reading a book by a guy named Paul Sperry called Infiltration: How Muslim Subversives Have Penetrated Washington. And it was scary. It was real. And there was an entire chapter, maybe even a little more than a chapter devoted to Mr. Norquist, whose name to me at that time was just as you described earlier, a conservative tax guy. And I liked that a whole lot. So I was a little surprised by what I read there in 2005. And now it's been years.

GLENN: And nobody has done anything.

STU WEBER: It's an old adage, tell me who your friends are, and I'll tell you who you are. And that's what's so scary to me.

GLENN: Exactly. So how can we help you? What has to be done? How does this work?

STU WEBER: Well, thank you. It's all spelled out in the bylaws of the NRA. They're available in different spots on the web. But I think --

GLENN: You're not with the NRA?

STU WEBER: No, no.

GLENN: You're just a member.

STU WEBER: I'm just a member. I think I initially joined probably in the '70s. I forget. And I have never really done anything with the NRA except read the magazines. But when I kind of vowed to take some action, this one came to mind.

So all we have to do, according to the bylaws, is get 450 life members or 450 people who have been a member of the NRA for five years or more to sign a petition to recall an individual. And those 450 petitioners, there needs to be at least 100 from three different states. So I encourage all my friends to grab all their friends that live nearby and get them to sign this.

And all we have to do is go on that website that's recallGrover.com. And it's only a one-page thing. It's not complicated. There's only two little press points. One gives you a summarizing link of all the research that reflects some of those associations that you've referred to that Mr. Norquist has. It's phenomenal. And the people that I think you've mentioned them in the past, that put this together are amazing kinds of people, like a former US Attorney General, like CIA Director James Woolsey, who, by the way, I had the privilege of sitting in a national security seminar and listening to him at the Army War College years ago. Brilliant, thoughtful, patriot, wise. And I know he feels pretty strongly about Grover. And I happen to know Jerry Boykin as well. And they both signed this letter, along with eight other highly credible, professional, intelligent practitioners. They know what they're talking about. And you can't just dismiss them like children on a playground saying nah, nah, nah -- into calling names.

So the petition is 450 names. We need to fill them out correctly. All you do is press the -- get the information on that one little link there. Then download the form. Then fill out the form correctly. All it needs is your name and your membership number. But it needs to be the name that you have with the NRA, like their records. Your address. Your signature. And sign it and date it. And snail mail it to the NRA. It's that simple.

GLENN: I mailed mine yesterday. So you know.

STU WEBER: I did too.

STU: What happens when you get the 450 petitions that make it to the NRA?

STU WEBER: Well, by the bylaws, the board calls together a special hearing committee, and they review the petition to make sure they're all qualified people. And then they go ahead, and this hearing committee makes a recommendation to the board. And there's published in the NRA magazine issue that follows, a ballot. And -- so all we're trying to do is get NRA members to have a voice. I mean, they're members. And we're not trying to indict anybody or convict anybody or send anybody to prison or any media fanfare. We just want to give the guys a voice and remove this distraction and expense, which is killing the NRA at a crucial time.

GLENN: What I understand it will do is, it will bring it to the NRA. The NRA then has the board look at the charges. And then they say, yes, we think he should be removed, or no, we don't. Then that's published in the magazine. Then it goes to a general vote, right?

STU WEBER: Yes, that's my understanding, as well.

GLENN: Okay. Stu, thank you very much. And I appreciate it. Thank you for standing. This is exactly what we've been talking about, is just regular people, not waiting around. Like you said, just sitting with three friends. And you're all like, I'm going to do something. What is my thing I'm going to do?

STU WEBER: Yep. Exactly. I'm with you. And I appreciate you. And I thank you for supporting us this way with a little opportunity to put the website out there.

GLENN: You bet. When are these due?

STU WEBER: Yeah. Crucial, crucial question. I'm sorry I hadn't mentioned it before. We have to have all this done and all the petitions into the NRA headquarters in Fairfax, Virginia, by September 14th. Basically in two weeks.

GLENN: So you got to do it today.

STU WEBER: You got to do it today.

GLENN: Go to recallGrover.com. RecallGrover.com. Fill it out. We need 450. They have to be filled out exactly right.

STU WEBER: Yes.

GLENN: And then that process will go through. Stu, thank you very much.

STU WEBER: Thank you.

GLENN: I'm with you, brother. Thank you. RecallGrover.com.

Featured Image: Grover Norquist, founder and president of Americans for Tax Reform, participates in a session on "Strategic Communication" at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) at National Harbor, Maryland, outside Washington, on February 26, 2015. AFP PHOTO/NICHOLAS KAMM (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP/Getty Images)

Trump's proposal explained: Ukraine's path to peace without NATO expansion

ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / Contributor | Getty Images

Strategic compromise, not absolute victory, often ensures lasting stability.

When has any country been asked to give up land it won in a war? Even if a nation is at fault, the punishment must be measured.

After World War I, Germany, the main aggressor, faced harsh penalties under the Treaty of Versailles. Germans resented the restrictions, and that resentment fueled the rise of Adolf Hitler, ultimately leading to World War II. History teaches that justice for transgressions must avoid creating conditions for future conflict.

Ukraine and Russia must choose to either continue the cycle of bloodshed or make difficult compromises in pursuit of survival and stability.

Russia and Ukraine now stand at a similar crossroads. They can cling to disputed land and prolong a devastating war, or they can make concessions that might secure a lasting peace. The stakes could not be higher: Tens of thousands die each month, and the choice between endless bloodshed and negotiated stability hinges on each side’s willingness to yield.

History offers a guide. In 1967, Israel faced annihilation. Surrounded by hostile armies, the nation fought back and seized large swaths of territory from Jordan, Egypt, and Syria. Yet Israel did not seek an empire. It held only the buffer zones needed for survival and returned most of the land. Security and peace, not conquest, drove its decisions.

Peace requires concessions

Secretary of State Marco Rubio says both Russia and Ukraine will need to “get something” from a peace deal. He’s right. Israel proved that survival outweighs pride. By giving up land in exchange for recognition and an end to hostilities, it stopped the cycle of war. Egypt and Israel have not fought in more than 50 years.

Russia and Ukraine now press opposing security demands. Moscow wants a buffer to block NATO. Kyiv, scarred by invasion, seeks NATO membership — a pledge that any attack would trigger collective defense by the United States and Europe.

President Donald Trump and his allies have floated a middle path: an Article 5-style guarantee without full NATO membership. Article 5, the core of NATO’s charter, declares that an attack on one is an attack on all. For Ukraine, such a pledge would act as a powerful deterrent. For Russia, it might be more palatable than NATO expansion to its border

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

Peace requires concessions. The human cost is staggering: U.S. estimates indicate 20,000 Russian soldiers died in a single month — nearly half the total U.S. casualties in Vietnam — and the toll on Ukrainians is also severe. To stop this bloodshed, both sides need to recognize reality on the ground, make difficult choices, and anchor negotiations in security and peace rather than pride.

Peace or bloodshed?

Both Russia and Ukraine claim deep historical grievances. Ukraine arguably has a stronger claim of injustice. But the question is not whose parchment is older or whose deed is more valid. The question is whether either side is willing to trade some land for the lives of thousands of innocent people. True security, not historical vindication, must guide the path forward.

History shows that punitive measures or rigid insistence on territorial claims can perpetuate cycles of war. Germany’s punishment after World War I contributed directly to World War II. By contrast, Israel’s willingness to cede land for security and recognition created enduring peace. Ukraine and Russia now face the same choice: Continue the cycle of bloodshed or make difficult compromises in pursuit of survival and stability.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The loneliness epidemic: Are machines replacing human connection?

NurPhoto / Contributor | Getty Images

Seniors, children, and the isolated increasingly rely on machines for conversation, risking real relationships and the emotional depth that only humans provide.

Jill Smola is 75 years old. She’s a retiree from Orlando, Florida, and she spent her life caring for the elderly. She played games, assembled puzzles, and offered company to those who otherwise would have sat alone.

Now, she sits alone herself. Her husband has died. She has a lung condition. She can’t drive. She can’t leave her home. Weeks can pass without human interaction.

Loneliness is an epidemic. And AI will not fix it. It will only dull the edges and make a diminished life tolerable.

But CBS News reports that she has a new companion. And she likes this companion more than her own daughter.

The companion? Artificial intelligence.

She spends five hours a day talking to her AI friend. They play games, do trivia, and just talk. She says she even prefers it to real people.

My first thought was simple: Stop this. We are losing our humanity.

But as I sat with the story, I realized something uncomfortable. Maybe we’ve already lost some of our humanity — not to AI, but to ourselves.

Outsourcing presence

How often do we know the right thing to do yet fail to act? We know we should visit the lonely. We know we should sit with someone in pain. We know what Jesus would do: Notice the forgotten, touch the untouchable, offer time and attention without outsourcing compassion.

Yet how often do we just … talk about it? On the radio, online, in lectures, in posts. We pontificate, and then we retreat.

I asked myself: What am I actually doing to close the distance between knowing and doing?

Human connection is messy. It’s inconvenient. It takes patience, humility, and endurance. AI doesn’t challenge you. It doesn’t interrupt your day. It doesn’t ask anything of you. Real people do. Real people make us confront our pride, our discomfort, our loneliness.

We’ve built an economy of convenience. We can have groceries delivered, movies streamed, answers instantly. But friendships — real relationships — are slow, inefficient, unpredictable. They happen in the blank spaces of life that we’ve been trained to ignore.

And now we’re replacing that inefficiency with machines.

AI provides comfort without challenge. It eliminates the risk of real intimacy. It’s an elegant coping mechanism for loneliness, but a poor substitute for life. If we’re not careful, the lonely won’t just be alone — they’ll be alone with an anesthetic, a shadow that never asks for anything, never interrupts, never makes them grow.

Reclaiming our humanity

We need to reclaim our humanity. Presence matters. Not theory. Not outrage. Action.

It starts small. Pull up a chair for someone who eats alone. Call a neighbor you haven’t spoken to in months. Visit a nursing home once a month — then once a week. Ask their names, hear their stories. Teach your children how to be present, to sit with someone in grief, without rushing to fix it.

Turn phones off at dinner. Make Sunday afternoons human time. Listen. Ask questions. Don’t post about it afterward. Make the act itself sacred.

Humility is central. We prefer machines because we can control them. Real people are inconvenient. They interrupt our narratives. They demand patience, forgiveness, and endurance. They make us confront ourselves.

A friend will challenge your self-image. A chatbot won’t.

Our homes are quieter. Our streets are emptier. Loneliness is an epidemic. And AI will not fix it. It will only dull the edges and make a diminished life tolerable.

Before we worry about how AI will reshape humanity, we must first practice humanity. It can start with 15 minutes a day of undivided attention, presence, and listening.

Change usually comes when pain finally wins. Let’s not wait for that. Let’s start now. Because real connection restores faster than any machine ever will.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Exposed: The radical Left's bloody rampage against America

Spencer Platt / Staff | Getty Images

For years, the media warned of right-wing terror. But the bullets, bombs, and body bags are piling up on the left — with support from Democrat leaders and voters.

For decades, the media and federal agencies have warned Americans that the greatest threat to our homeland is the political right — gun-owning veterans, conservative Christians, anyone who ever voted for President Donald Trump. President Joe Biden once declared that white supremacy is “the single most dangerous terrorist threat” in the nation.

Since Trump’s re-election, the rhetoric has only escalated. Outlets like the Washington Post and the Guardian warned that his second term would trigger a wave of far-right violence.

As Democrats bleed working-class voters and lose control of their base, they’re not moderating. They’re radicalizing.

They were wrong.

The real domestic threat isn’t coming from MAGA grandmas or rifle-toting red-staters. It’s coming from the radical left — the anarchists, the Marxists, the pro-Palestinian militants, and the anti-American agitators who have declared war on law enforcement, elected officials, and civil society.

Willful blindness

On July 4, a group of black-clad terrorists ambushed an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Alvarado, Texas. They hurled fireworks at the building, spray-painted graffiti, and then opened fire on responding law enforcement, shooting a local officer in the neck. Journalist Andy Ngo has linked the attackers to an Antifa cell in the Dallas area.

Authorities have so far charged 14 people in the plot and recovered AR-style rifles, body armor, Kevlar vests, helmets, tactical gloves, and radios. According to the Department of Justice, this was a “planned ambush with intent to kill.”

And it wasn’t an isolated incident. It’s part of a growing pattern of continuous violent left-wing incidents since December last year.

Monthly attacks

Most notably, in December 2024, 26-year-old Luigi Mangione allegedly gunned down UnitedHealth Group CEO Brian Thompson in Manhattan. Mangione reportedly left a manifesto raging against the American health care system and was glorified by some on social media as a kind of modern Robin Hood.

One Emerson College poll found that 41% of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 said the murder was “acceptable” or “somewhat acceptable.”

The next month, a man carrying Molotov cocktails was arrested near the U.S. Capitol. He allegedly planned to assassinate Trump-appointed Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, and House Speaker Mike Johnson.

In February, the “Tesla Takedown” attacks on Tesla vehicles and dealerships started picking up traction.

In March, a self-described “queer scientist” was arrested after allegedly firebombing the Republican Party headquarters in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Graffiti on the burned building read “ICE = KKK.”

In April, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro’s (D-Pa.) official residence was firebombed on Passover night. The suspect allegedly set the governor’s mansion on fire because of what Shapiro, who is Jewish, “wants to do to the Palestinian people.”

In May, two young Israeli embassy staffers were shot and killed outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C. Witnesses said the shooter shouted “Free Palestine” as he was being arrested. The suspect told police he acted “for Gaza” and was reportedly linked to the Party for Socialism and Liberation.

In June, an Egyptian national who had entered the U.S. illegally allegedly threw a firebomb at a peaceful pro-Israel rally in Boulder, Colorado. Eight people were hospitalized, and an 82-year-old Holocaust survivor later died from her injuries.

That same month, a pro-Palestinian rioter in New York was arrested for allegedly setting fire to 11 police vehicles. In Los Angeles, anti-ICE rioters smashed cars, set fires, and hurled rocks at law enforcement. House Democrats refused to condemn the violence.

Barbara Davidson / Contributor | Getty Images

In Portland, Oregon, rioters tried to burn down another ICE facility and assaulted police officers before being dispersed with tear gas. Graffiti left behind read: “Kill your masters.”

On July 7, a Michigan man opened fire on a Customs and Border Protection facility in McAllen, Texas, wounding two police officers and an agent. Border agents returned fire, killing the suspect.

Days later in California, ICE officers conducting a raid on an illegal cannabis farm in Ventura County were attacked by left-wing activists. One protester appeared to fire at federal agents.

This is not a series of isolated incidents. It’s a timeline of escalation. Political assassinations, firebombings, arson, ambushes — all carried out in the name of radical leftist ideology.

Democrats are radicalizing

This isn’t just the work of fringe agitators. It’s being enabled — and in many cases encouraged — by elected Democrats.

Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz routinely calls ICE “Trump’s modern-day Gestapo.” Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass attempted to block an ICE operation in her city. Boston Mayor Michelle Wu compared ICE agents to a neo-Nazi group. Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson referred to them as “secret police terrorizing our communities.”

Apparently, other Democratic lawmakers, according to Axios, are privately troubled by their own base. One unnamed House Democrat admitted that supporters were urging members to escalate further: “Some of them have suggested what we really need to do is be willing to get shot.” Others were demanding blood in the streets to get the media’s attention.

A study from Rutgers University and the National Contagion Research Institute found that 55% of Americans who identify as “left of center” believe that murdering Donald Trump would be at least “somewhat justified.”

As Democrats bleed working-class voters and lose control of their base, they’re not moderating. They’re radicalizing. They don’t want the chaos to stop. They want to harness it, normalize it, and weaponize it.

The truth is, this isn’t just about ICE. It’s not even about Trump. It’s about whether a republic can survive when one major party decides that our institutions no longer apply.

Truth still matters. Law and order still matter. And if the left refuses to defend them, then we must be the ones who do.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

America's comeback: Trump is crushing crime in the Capitol

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

Trump’s DC crackdown is about more than controlling crime — it’s about restoring America’s strength and credibility on the world stage.

Donald Trump on Monday invoked Section 740 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act, placing the D.C. Metropolitan Police Department under direct federal control and deploying the National Guard to restore law and order. This move is long overdue.

D.C.’s crime problem has been spiraling for years as local authorities and Democratic leadership have abandoned the nation’s capital to the consequences of their own failed policies. The city’s murder rate is about three times higher than that of Islamabad, Pakistan, and 18 times higher than that of communist-led Havana, Cuba.

When DC is in chaos, it sends a message to the world that America is weak.

Theft, assaults, and carjackings have transformed many of its streets into war zones. D.C. saw a 32% increase in homicides from 2022 to 2023, marking the highest number in two decades and surpassing both New York and Los Angeles. Even if crime rates dropped to 2019 levels, that wouldn’t be good enough.

Local leaders have downplayed the crisis, manipulating crime stats to preserve their image. Felony assault, for example, is no longer considered a “violent crime” in their crime stats. Same with carjacking. But the reality on the streets is different. People in D.C. are living in constant fear.

Trump isn’t waiting for the crime rate to improve on its own. He’s taking action.

Broken windows theory in action

Trump’s takeover of D.C. puts the “broken windows theory” into action — the idea that ignoring minor crimes invites bigger ones. When authorities look the other way on turnstile-jumping or graffiti, they signal that lawbreaking carries no real consequence.

Rudy Giuliani used this approach in the 1990s to clean up New York, cracking down on small offenses before they escalated. Trump is doing the same in the capital, drawing a hard line and declaring enough is enough. Letting crime fester in Washington tells the world that the seat of American power tolerates lawlessness.

What Trump is doing for D.C. isn’t just about law enforcement — it’s about national identity. When D.C. is in chaos, it sends a message to the world that America is weak. The capital city represents the soul of the country. If we can’t even keep our own capital safe, how can we expect anyone to take us seriously?

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

Reversing the decline

Anyone who has visited D.C. regularly over the past several years has witnessed its rapid decline. Homeless people bathe in the fountains outside Union Station. People are tripping out in Dupont Circle. The left’s negligence is a disgrace, enabling drug use and homelessness to explode on our capital’s streets while depriving these individuals of desperately needed care and help.

Restoring law and order to D.C. is not about politics or scoring points. It’s about doing what’s right for the people. It’s about protecting communities, taking the vulnerable off the streets, and sending the message to both law-abiding and law-breaking citizens alike that the rule of law matters.

D.C. should be a lesson to the rest of America. If we want to take our cities back, we need leadership willing to take bold action. Trump is showing how to do it.

Now, it’s time for other cities to step up and follow his lead. We can restore law and order. We can make our cities something to be proud of again.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.