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What made Glenn say he doesn't want his citizenship anymore?

September 02, 2015
Staff

WRITER

Congressman Duncan Hunter (Rep) joined Glenn on radio Wednesday to discuss Charles Martland, an American Green Beret who was recently relieved of duty after serving his nation proudly for ten years. When he learned the reason for his discharge, Glenn’s blood began to boil, and not against Martland.

Here's what Glenn had to say.

In his own words, "I fully understand that during a previous deployment in Afghanistan, my detachment commander and I were absolutely wrong in striking one of our Afghan local police commanders."

So he struck him. Now, why would one of our soldiers strike an Afghani police commander?

In his own words, "This action was in response to the police commander kidnapping and brutally raping a young local boy and then beating the boy's mother after she came to our camp to plea for help. We've already had two other Afghani police commanders receive no punishment from the Afghan government for the rape of a 15-year-old girl and the honor killing of a commander's 12-year-old daughter for kissing a boy. My detachment commander and I felt morally we could no longer stand by and allow our allies to commit such atrocities."

In reaction to the letter, Glenn told Hunter he doesn't want his citizenship anymore, saying, "I think my citizenship is going to be used as an indictment against me in the eternal courts."

Later, he clarified, saying he really does want his citizenship, but wished there was a place like the United States used to be when Germany started to go down its road, where people could to stand on moral principles and not be punished for it.

Listen.

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors.

GLENN: Charles Martland. He has been relieved of duty. He has served his nation proudly for ten years. In ten years of service, he has only had one negative action against him. And in a letter that I have, he is apologizing to the military and said, I have learned and matured greatly since that incident. What was the incident?

In his own words, I fully understand that during a previous deployment in Afghanistan, my detachment commander and I were absolutely wrong in striking one of our Afghan local police commanders. So he struck him. Now, why would -- why would one of our soldiers strike an Afghani police commander?

In his own words: This action was in response to the police commander kidnapping and brutally raping a young local boy and then beating the boy's mother after she came to our camp to plea for help. We've already had two other Afghani police commanders receive no punishment from the Afghan government for the rape of a 15-year-old girl and the honor killing of a commander's 12-year-old daughter for kissing a boy. My detachment commander and I felt morally we could no longer stand by and allow our allies to commit such atrocities.

Nothing has happened to the -- to the police officers. Our, quote, allies. But he has been relieved of duty. Duncan Hunter is on the phone with us now. How are you, sir?

DUNCAN: I'm doing great. Pretty crazy story, isn't it?

GLENN: This is -- this is -- this is an atrocity in and of itself.

DUNCAN: Yeah. You know, what you see, Glenn, and this is what's happening in the military. This is why getting a commander-in-chief is of the utmost importance.

You see a military class that's now a political class, and they're in uniform instead of in suits. And that's what you get here. This is what you get when lawyers run US military, and it's not used to kill people and influence things. It's used to make sure that everybody in it is regulated and does not step across the line, which in this case doing nothing, in my opinion, would have been grounds for immediate removal from the Army. Doing nothing would have been grounds for kicking out Sergeant First Class Martland. Not doing something. He was reprimanded by a general. General Hoss. I mean, there's -- we have the letter of reprimand. Can you imagine setting up these village stability operations? By the way, this is not in Kabul. It's not in a big city. It's where six or seven Green Berets go to the towns out in the middle of nowhere, these little villages, and try to set up some form of stand-up government that is not the Taliban. That's what these Special Forces guys were doing.

So they're out there. They're alone and unafraid. And you find out that the police chief that we're paying for with taxpayer dollars that we're training with US soldiers has just raped repeatedly over six or seven days, this little boy, chained to a bed. And then as you said, beat up the mother, and the soldiers didn't even rough him up that badly, Glenn. They even say he exaggerated his bruises, meaning they didn't do enough to him, in my opinion. He would have been lucky to walk out of there with his life. But we know, you know, if you watch the movies now and you see like Lone Survivor, you know that there's no right answer for our guys on the front lines because they don't want to go to jail. That's the end decision.

GLENN: Let me tell you something. Congressman Duncan Hunter, let me tell you something, this is why we're hated around the world. We're hated around the world because we don't stand for anything. If we allow our ally to brutally chain and rape a 15-year-old boy after he's kidnapped him and then beat up the mother and then two other commanders also got away with an honor killing and another rape of a girl, who the hell are we? We expect the rest of the world to respect our uniform when we will stand idly by and see that atrocity going on?

DUNCAN: It's moral decay at the highest levels. And, see, that's the problem too, Glenn. It's not the guys joining. The guys from 18 years old to 25. I mean, these are great Americans. Right? But as you get up that ladder and you get promoted over and over again and you want to make general, what you don't want is for anything bad to come out on your record whatsoever. And that means not standing up for your men.

And that's what's happening now at the highest levels, especially in the Army, that the men at the lower levels that are out there doing the grunt work each and every day are not being stood up for by their commander-in-chief or their higher officers. And you have total moral decay in that -- what we think as right as Americans and what we would do in any situation, is not just frowned upon now in the US military, it's discouraged and even punished.

GLENN: I have to tell you, Congressman, I don't want my citizenship anymore. I really don't. I think my citizenship is going to be used as an indictment against me in the eternal courts. I mean, this is -- we're so far off the rails. We are supporting Iran today, the 34th vote came in for the Democrats. So we're supporting Iran over Israel. And the rest of our allies around the world who say this is insanity. We're -- we're telling this guy that he can't serve in -- he's been a Green Beret for 11 years. A Green Beret and we're kicking him out because he stood up for a 15-year-old boy and his mother. Good God Almighty, I don't want my citizenship. It's an indictment.

DUNCAN: Yeah. I've done a couple of tours, so I paid for this citizenship with my time. So I'll keep mind for a while, Glenn.

GLENN: No, I understand. And I know that's an outrageous thing to say, Duncan. But I think you can at least understand how people -- I mean, really, what does our citizenship mean? We are becoming a very dark, evil country if we can't stand clear on this one.

DUNCAN: No, we can't stand clear on this. We can forget about being pro-choice or pro-life. We're now selling baby bodies.

GLENN: Yeah.

DUNCAN: We're supporting Iran. This is a real -- it's all coming down.

GLENN: And what did Mitch McConnell say today? Mitch McConnell said that it's not a good time. It's just not a good time to defund Planned Parenthood. Good God, when they're selling baby parts, when is a good time?

DUNCAN: Right.

Now.

GLENN: So how can we help you on this? How can we help Charles Martland?

DUNCAN: What you can do is just let people know about it. I mean, that's all I can do even. There's no legislation I can pass. The president doesn't care. The SecDef hasn't answered me back yet. Just people need to know about this. It has to put pressure on the Army. The last thing the Army should want -- because it's an all volunteer force is for parents sitting at home going, hey, you know what, Johnny, I'd prefer if you don't join the Army. Join a different service that will at least look out for you when you do the right thing as an American when you're overseas.

GLENN: That we can do. That we can do.

DUNCAN: That's the only pressure, it comes from you and the public seeing this, and the Army realizing, hey, we better shape up, or we're not going to be able to even get people to join.

GLENN: So who should they call? Should they call the Pentagon?

DUNCAN: Yeah, call the Pentagon. Call the Secretary of Defense.

GLENN: Okay.

DUNCAN: And if you call my office in D.C. -- it's (202)225-5672 -- we can put you guys in touch with who to call. There's a great article out on this in Newsweek that just came online this morning that is a different case. Jason Amerine, who exposed the hostage -- the lack of hostage rescue ability the United States has. He's being kicked out of the Army. You have Major Golsteyn, who killed a terrorist. The CIA found out about it. He's being kicked out of the Army. You have all these Special Forces guys doing the right thing for us.

GLENN: That's easy. That's easy.

DUNCAN: And we're trying to publicize this stuff.

GLENN: This is the easiest thing I've ever asked anybody today because this is exactly -- because I have people coming up all the time and asking me, Glenn, would you put your son or daughter in the military today? And the answer is for the first time in my life, absolutely not. Absolutely not. You call the Army and say, I will put my son in the Air Force. I will put my son or daughter in the Navy. But I will not do it. I will not put you in the Army. I will not allow my children to go into the Army. If this is the way you treat people, if this is the standard that we have, I don't want anything to do with anybody in a military uniform with a US Army, if this is what you stand for. This is obscene! This is obscene! Duncan, thank you so much. I appreciate it. Anything we can do to help, you let me know. Please stay in touch with my office and tell us how we can help.

DUNCAN: Okay. We will do it. Remember, Marine Corps. Always got that option too.

GLENN: Yes, sir. Yes, sir. God bless you. Thank you so much.

Okay. Next we're going to go to a police officer in Philadelphia who says he's afraid to do his job. We'll talk to him in a second.

Let me tell you, everything is coming undone. I told you everything that you could believe in. Everything that you you thought you could believe in will turn to sand. Everything that you thought was solid will be liquid. Do you remember me saying that six, seven, eight years ago? Here we are. When you can't -- when a guy wearing a US Army uniform is kicked out of the Army for standing up against someone who was raping a 15-year-old boy and then beating his mother as he comes to the US Army for help, there's nothing left to believe in, except God.

Trump v. Slaughter: The Deep State on trial

JIM WATSON / Contributor | Getty Images

The administrative state has long operated as an unelected super-government. Trump v. Slaughter may be the moment voters reclaim authority over their own institutions.

Washington is watching and worrying about a U.S. Supreme Court case that could very well define the future of American self-government. And I don’t say that lightly. At the center of Trump v. Slaughter is a deceptively simple question: Can the president — the one official chosen by the entire nation — remove the administrators and “experts” who wield enormous, unaccountable power inside the executive branch?

This isn’t a technical fight. It’s not a paperwork dispute. It’s a turning point. Because if the answer is no, then the American people no longer control their own government. Elections become ceremonial. The bureaucracy becomes permanent. And the Constitution becomes a suggestion rather than the law of the land.

A government run by experts instead of elected leaders is not a republic. It’s a bureaucracy with a voting booth bolted onto the front to make us feel better.

That simply cannot be. Justice Neil Gorsuch summed it up perfectly during oral arguments on Monday: “There is no such thing in our constitutional order as a fourth branch of government that’s quasi-judicial and quasi-legislative.”

Yet for more than a century, the administrative state has grown like kudzu — quietly, relentlessly, and always in one direction. Today we have a fourth branch of government: unelected, unaccountable, insulated from consequence. Congress hands off lawmaking to agencies. Presidents arrive with agendas, but the bureaucrats remain, and they decide what actually gets done.

If the Supreme Court decides that presidents cannot fire the very people who execute federal power, they are not just rearranging an org chart. The justices are rewriting the structure of the republic. They are confirming what we’ve long feared: Here, the experts rule, not the voters.

A government run by experts instead of elected leaders is not a republic. It’s a bureaucracy with a voting booth bolted onto the front to make us feel better.

The founders warned us

The men who wrote the Constitution saw this temptation coming. Alexander Hamilton and James Madison in the Federalist Papers hammered home the same principle again and again: Power must remain traceable to the people. They understood human nature far too well. They knew that once administrators are protected from accountability, they will accumulate power endlessly. It is what humans do.

That’s why the Constitution vests the executive power in a single president — someone the entire nation elects and can unelect. They did not want a managerial council. They did not want a permanent priesthood of experts. They wanted responsibility and authority to live in one place so the people could reward or replace it.

So this case will answer a simple question: Do the people still govern this country, or does a protected class of bureaucrats now run the show?

Not-so-expert advice

Look around. The experts insisted they could manage the economy — and produced historic debt and inflation.

The experts insisted they could run public health — and left millions of Americans sick, injured, and dead while avoiding accountability.

The experts insisted they could steer foreign policy — and delivered endless conflict with no measurable benefit to our citizens.

And through it all, they stayed. Untouched, unelected, and utterly unapologetic.

If a president cannot fire these people, then you — the voter — have no ability to change the direction of your own government. You can vote for reform, but you will get the same insiders making the same decisions in the same agencies.

That is not self-government. That is inertia disguised as expertise.

A republic no more?

A monarchy can survive a permanent bureaucracy. A dictatorship can survive a permanent bureaucracy. A constitutional republic cannot. Not for long anyway.

We are supposed to live in a system where the people set the course, Congress writes the laws, and the president carries them out. When agencies write their own rules, judges shield them from oversight, and presidents are forbidden from removing them, we no longer live in that system. We live in something else — something the founders warned us about.

And the people become spectators of their own government.

JIM WATSON / Contributor | Getty Images

The path forward

Restoring the separation of powers does not mean rejecting expertise. It means returning expertise to its proper role: advisory, not sovereign.

No expert should hold power that voters cannot revoke. No agency should drift beyond the reach of the executive. No bureaucracy should be allowed to grow branches the Constitution never gave it.

The Supreme Court now faces a choice that will shape American life for a generation. It can reinforce the Constitution, or it can allow the administrative state to wander even farther from democratic control.

This case isn’t about President Trump. It isn’t about Rebecca Slaughter, the former Federal Trade Commission official suing to get her job back. It’s about whether elections still mean anything — whether the American people still hold the reins of their own government.

That is what is at stake: not procedure, not technicalities, but the survival of a system built on the revolutionary idea that the citizens — not the experts — are the ones who rule.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

1 in 20 Canadians die by MAID—Is this 'compassion'?

Vaughn Ridley / Stringer | Getty Images

Medical assistance in dying isn’t health care. It’s the moment a Western democracy decided some lives aren’t worth saving, and it’s a warning sign we can’t ignore.

Canada loves to lecture America about compassion. Every time a shooting makes the headlines, Canadian commentators cannot wait to discuss how the United States has a “culture of death” because we refuse to regulate guns the way enlightened nations supposedly do.

But north of our border, a very different crisis is unfolding — one that is harder to moralize because it exposes a deeper cultural failure.

A society that no longer recognizes the value of life will not long defend freedom, dignity, or moral order.

The Canadian government is not only permitting death, but it’s also administering, expanding, and redefining it as “medical care.” Medical assistance in dying is no longer a rare, tragic exception. It has become one of the country’s leading causes of death, offered to people whose problems are treatable, whose conditions are survivable, and whose value should never have been in question.

In Canada, MAID is now responsible for nearly 5% of all deaths — 1 out of every 20 citizens. And this is happening in a country that claims the moral high ground over American gun violence. Canada now records more deaths per capita from doctors administering lethal drugs than America records from firearms. Their number is 37.9 deaths per 100,000 people. Ours is 13.7. Yet we are the country supposedly drowning in a “culture of death.”

No lecture from abroad can paper over this fact: Canada has built a system where eliminating suffering increasingly means eliminating the sufferer.

Choosing death over care

One example of what Canada now calls “compassion” is the case of Jolene Bond, a woman suffering from a painful but treatable thyroid condition that causes dangerously high calcium levels, bone deterioration, soft-tissue damage, nausea, and unrelenting pain. Her condition is severe, but it is not terminal. Surgery could help her. And in a functioning medical system, she would have it.

But Jolene lives under socialized medicine. The specialists she needs are either unavailable, overrun with patients, or blocked behind bureaucratic requirements she cannot meet. She cannot get a referral. She cannot get an appointment. She cannot reach the doctor in another province who is qualified to perform the operation. Every pathway to treatment is jammed by paperwork, shortages, and waitlists that stretch into the horizon and beyond.

Yet the Canadian government had something else ready for her — something immediate.

They offered her MAID.

Not help, not relief, not a doctor willing to drive across a provincial line and simply examine her. Instead, Canada offered Jolene a state-approved death. A lethal injection is easier to obtain than a medical referral. Killing her would be easier than treating her. And the system calls that compassion.

Bureaucracy replaces medicine

Jolene’s story is not an outlier. It is the logical outcome of a system that cannot keep its promises. When the machinery of socialized medicine breaks down, the state simply replaces care with a final, irreversible “solution.” A bureaucratic checkbox becomes the last decision of a person’s life.

Canada insists its process is rigorous, humane, and safeguarded. Yet the bureaucracy now reviewing Jolene’s case is not asking how she can receive treatment; it is asking whether she has enough signatures to qualify for a lethal injection. And the debate among Canadian officials is not how to preserve life, but whether she has met the paperwork threshold to end it.

This is the dark inversion that always emerges when the state claims the power to decide when life is no longer worth living. Bureaucracy replaces conscience. Eligibility criteria replace compassion. A panel of physicians replaces the family gathered at a bedside. And eventually, the “right” to die becomes an expectation — especially for those who are poor, elderly, or alone.

Joe Raedle / Staff | Getty Images

The logical end of a broken system

We ignore this lesson at our own peril. Canada’s health care system is collapsing under demographic pressure, uncontrolled migration, and the unavoidable math of government-run medicine.

When the system breaks, someone must bear the cost. MAID has become the release valve.

The ideology behind this system is already drifting south. In American medical journals and bioethics conferences, you will hear this same rhetoric. The argument is always dressed in compassion. But underneath, it reduces the value of human life to a calculation: Are you useful? Are you affordable? Are you too much of a burden?

The West was built on a conviction that every human life has inherent value. That truth gave us hospitals before it gave us universities. It gave us charity before it gave us science. It is written into the Declaration of Independence.

Canada’s MAID program reveals what happens when a country lets that foundation erode. Life becomes negotiable, and suffering becomes a justification for elimination.

A society that no longer recognizes the value of life will not long defend freedom, dignity, or moral order. If compassion becomes indistinguishable from convenience, and if medicine becomes indistinguishable from euthanasia, the West will have abandoned the very principles that built it. That is the lesson from our northern neighbor — a warning, not a blueprint.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

A Sharia enclave is quietly taking root in America. It's time to wake up.

NOVA SAFO / Staff | Getty Images

Sharia-based projects like the Meadow in Texas show how political Islam grows quietly, counting on Americans to stay silent while an incompatible legal system takes root.

Apolitical system completely incompatible with the Constitution is gaining ground in the United States, and we are pretending it is not happening.

Sharia — the legal and political framework of Islam — is being woven into developments, institutions, and neighborhoods, including a massive project in Texas. And the consequences will be enormous if we continue to look the other way.

This is the contradiction at the heart of political Islam: It claims universal authority while insisting its harshest rules will never be enforced here. That promise does not stand up to scrutiny. It never has.

Before we can have an honest debate, we’d better understand what Sharia represents. Sharia is not simply a set of religious rules about prayer or diet. It is a comprehensive legal and political structure that governs marriage, finance, criminal penalties, and civic life. It is a parallel system that claims supremacy wherever it takes hold.

This is where the distinction matters. Many Muslims in America want nothing to do with Sharia governance. They came here precisely because they lived under it. But political Islam — the movement that seeks to implement Sharia as law — is not the same as personal religious belief.

It is a political ideology with global ambitions, much like communism. Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently warned that Islamist movements do not seek peaceful coexistence with the West. They seek dominance. History backs him up.

How Sharia arrives

Political Islam does not begin with dramatic declarations. It starts quietly, through enclaves that operate by their own rules. That is why the development once called EPIC City — now rebranded as the Meadow — is so concerning. Early plans framed it as a Muslim-only community built around a mega-mosque and governed by Sharia-compliant financing. After state investigations were conducted, the branding changed, but the underlying intent remained the same.

Developers have openly described practices designed to keep non-Muslims out, using fees and ownership structures to create de facto religious exclusivity. This is not assimilation. It is the construction of a parallel society within a constitutional republic.

The warning from those who have lived under it

Years ago, local imams in Texas told me, without hesitation, that certain Sharia punishments “just work.” They spoke about cutting off hands for theft, stoning adulterers, and maintaining separate standards of testimony for men and women. They insisted it was logical and effective while insisting they would never attempt to implement it in Texas.

But when pressed, they could not explain why a system they consider divinely mandated would suddenly stop applying once someone crossed a border.

This is the contradiction at the heart of political Islam: It claims universal authority while insisting its harshest rules will never be enforced here. That promise does not stand up to scrutiny. It never has.

AASHISH KIPHAYET / Contributor | Getty Images

America is vulnerable

Europe is already showing us where this road leads. No-go zones, parallel courts, political intimidation, and clerics preaching supremacy have taken root across major cities.

America’s strength has always come from its melting pot, but assimilation requires boundaries. It requires insisting that the Constitution, not religious law, is the supreme authority on this soil.

Yet we are becoming complacent, even fearful, about saying so. We mistake silence for tolerance. We mistake avoidance for fairness. Meanwhile, political Islam views this hesitation as weakness.

Religious freedom is one of America’s greatest gifts. Muslims may worship freely here, as they should. But political Islam must not be permitted to plant a flag on American soil. The Constitution cannot coexist with a system that denies equal rights, restricts speech, subordinates women, and places clerical authority above civil law.

Wake up before it is too late

Projects like the Meadow are not isolated. They are test runs, footholds, proofs of concept. Political Islam operates with patience. It advances through demographic growth, legal ambiguity, and cultural hesitation — and it counts on Americans being too polite, too distracted, or too afraid to confront it.

We cannot afford that luxury. If we fail to defend the principles that make this country free, we will one day find ourselves asking how a parallel system gained power right in front of us. The answer will be simple: We looked away.

The time to draw boundaries and to speak honestly is now. The time to defend the Constitution as the supreme law of the land is now. Act while there is still time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The Crisis of Meaning: Searching for truth and purpose

Mario Tama / Staff | Getty Images

Anxiety, anger, and chronic dissatisfaction signal a country searching for meaning. Without truth and purpose, politics becomes a dangerous substitute for identity.

We have built a world overflowing with noise, convenience, and endless choice, yet something essential has slipped out of reach. You can sense it in the restless mood of the country, the anxiety among young people who cannot explain why they feel empty, in the angry confusion that dominates our politics.

We have more wealth than any nation in history, but the heart of the culture feels strangely malnourished. Before we can debate debt or elections, we must confront the reality that we created a world of things, but not a world of purpose.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

What we are living through is not just economic or political dysfunction. It is the vacuum that appears when a civilization mistakes abundance for meaning.

Modern life is stuffed with everything except what the human soul actually needs. We built systems to make life faster, easier, and more efficient — and then wondered why those systems cannot teach our children who they are, why they matter, or what is worth living for.

We tell the next generation to chase success, influence, and wealth, turning childhood into branding. We ask kids what they want to do, not who they want to be. We build a world wired for dopamine rather than dignity, and then we wonder why so many people feel unmoored.

When everything is curated, optimized, and delivered at the push of a button, the question “what is my life for?” gets lost in the static.

The crisis beneath the headlines

It is not just the young who feel this crisis. Every part of our society is straining under the weight of meaninglessness.

Look at the debt cycle — the mathematical fate no civilization has ever escaped once it crosses a threshold that we seem to have already blown by. While ordinary families feel the pressure, our leaders respond with distraction, with denial, or by rewriting the very history that could have warned us.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

We have entered a cultural moment where the noise is so loud that it drowns out the simplest truths. We are living in a country that no longer knows how to hear itself think.

So people go searching. Some drift toward the false promise of socialism, some toward the empty thrill of rebellion. Some simply check out. When a culture forgets what gives life meaning, it becomes vulnerable to every ideology that offers a quick answer.

The quiet return of meaning

And yet, quietly, something else is happening. Beneath the frustration and cynicism, many Americans are recognizing that meaning does not come from what we own, but from what we honor. It does not rise from success, but from virtue. It does not emerge from noise, but from the small, sacred things that modern life has pushed to the margins — the home, the table, the duty you fulfill, the person you help when no one is watching.

The danger is assuming that this rediscovery happens on its own. It does not.

Reorientation requires intention. It requires rebuilding the habits and virtues that once held us together. It requires telling the truth about our history instead of rewriting it to fit today’s narratives. And it requires acknowledging what has been erased: that meaning is inseparable from God’s presence in a nation’s life.

Harold M. Lambert / Contributor | Getty Images

Where renewal begins

We have built a world without stillness, and then we wondered why no one can hear the questions that matter. Those questions remain, whether we acknowledge them or not. They do not disappear just because we drown them in entertainment or noise. They wait for us, and the longer we ignore them, the more disoriented we become.

Meaning is still available. It is found in rebuilding the smallest, most human spaces — the places that cannot be digitized, globalized, or automated. The home. The family. The community.

These are the daily virtues that do not trend on social media, but that hold a civilization upright. If we want to repair this country, we begin there, exactly where every durable civilization has always begun: one virtue at a time, one tradition at a time, one generation at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.